CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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intervene appears far more related to national interests. Selectivity of Western intervention has heightened cynicism, especially in the developing world, towards claims of humanitarian necessity as justification for those interventions which the West does choose to undertake. For the US such selectivity was firmly enshrined in PDD 25 39 , another consequence of the Mogadishu incident (see p268 below), which sought to re-establish national interest as the primary determinant of engagement in peacekeeping operations/humanitarian interventions. It has been an enduring difficulty for UN peacekeeping missions that the necessary means are rarely made available to meet the mandate. Moreover it has been a long- standing criticism of the West, and especially the P5, that whilst they have the major say in authorising military action by the UN, they do not significantly shoulder the military burden. In 2000 a Bangladeshi proposal went so far as to suggest that P5 membership should be linked to a commitment to provide forces. 40 The situation then was that only one ‘Western’ nation – Australia – appeared in the top ten listing of troop contributing nations ( see Table 4-1) and then only because of her commitment to a major UN operation – that in East Timor – very much in her own area of interest. Nation Total Troop Contribution to UN Operations India 4507 Nigeria 3439 Jordan 3400 Bangladesh 2362 Ghana 1906 Australia 1710 Pakistan 1209 Kenya 1197 Poland 1077 Nepal 1037 Table 4-1: Top Ten Troop Contributing Nations to UN Operations in 2000 41 The P5 response to the Bangladeshi proposal was unanimous: whilst they would continue to contribute a larger proportion of the costs of UN interventions and were 259
willing to provide equipment support to others, they would not find the additional necessary troops. Africa, more than any other region has suffered from this lack of Western readiness to commit. William Shawcross, highlights the particularly stark example of Rwanda: The best recent example of the limits of non-violent humanitarian intervention in stopping mass killing is the Rwandan genocide: the only realistic mean of halting the genocide was military intervention but the refusal of Western states to risk their soldiers to save strangers resulted in a million Rwandans being killed. 42 Thalif Deen continues his criticism of the P5 thus: ‘The five permanent members, along with most Western nations, are keeping away from most peacekeeping missions primarily because they do not want their soldiers to return home in body bags. “Spilling Third World blood is okay. But spilling P-5 blood is obviously a No-No”, says a Third World diplomat.’ 43 Sierra Leone offers an example of more mixed Western engagement and, indeed, stands as an example of just how successful a determined Western intervention can be. A UN mission – UN Mission in Sierra Leone (UNAMSIL) – was established in October 1999 to monitor and assist in implementation of the Lome Peace Agreement between the Sierra Leone government and Foday Sankoh’s rebel Revolutionary United Front (RUF). 44 The international community was slow to meet the UN's call for troops and in April 2000, as the Lome Agreement began to unravel, UNAMSIL was significantly below its mandated strength. Moreover, as has all too often been the case with UN missions, the quality of those troops which had been provided was generally poor and the force inadequately equipped. UNAMSIL had suffered several defeats in confrontation with the RUF and their morale was low. The RUF was growing stronger and taking advantage of weapons and equipment, including armoured personnel carriers, captured from UNAMSIL. In May 2000, with the capital, Freetown, on the verge of being overrun, the UK launched an intervention, initially with a limited non- combatant evacuation (NEO) objective to ensure the safety of British nationals. This small but effective military force, used decisively, re-established the authority of the government and forced the rebels to all but give up the fight. 45 Yet later the same year, despite the UK’s continued involvement, the UN mission was again endangered by the 260
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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER J
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ABSTRACT For nearly two millennia j
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CONTENTS Abstract ……………
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GLOSSARY OF ACRONYMS Acronym Meanin
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which such political decisions are
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worst of all, continuall feare, and
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fact it does positive harm.’ 15 T
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whole with the interests of the fit
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war should be entered into without
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matter for realist determination, t
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and has returned to the fore of pol
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This is the context against which K
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equired to make war, and the people
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a clear perception of the new world
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which Keohane 59 defines as ‘pers
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underpinnings. As well as making th
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states) and could be predicted thro
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Hobbesianism/ Machiavellianism (Wig
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It recognises both that war and a s
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European Convention on Human Rights
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the other side of liberalism, possi
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the principal foci of this thesis.
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The clearest evidence for the stabi
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if we take Willard’s analogy, it
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promotion of common goals, there ca
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But shortly afterwards he continues
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premise by which Augustine came to
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understood only to apply between Ch
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Writing against the backdrop of a s
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have ‘plausible pretext.’ His w
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As Gross’s title suggests, this o
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organisations/arrangements acting u
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the realist must be persuaded that
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eserving to a supra-national body t
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70 K Waltz, Man, The State and War.
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153 Emerrich De Vattel, The Law of
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must again be found from first prin
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philosophically the ultimate expres
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Notwithstanding the significant ste
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nationalist regime. Had the Soviet
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The operation and extent of the vet
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59 over membership issues 38 . The
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(Of course, history was to show he
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Four years later, in early 2003, it
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2.2.3 Practical Failings Other fail
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nearly all important points. Not al
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equipped and trained forces were re
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Charter and apparently outwith its
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Navigation with Nicaragua. The Unit
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each Member undertakes to comply wi
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There is a second, related, point t
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2.2.4 Reordering the Value Set: New
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There was a growing recognition, th
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… … The global threat to our se
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levels of analysis will be used: th
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The dangers of unilateralism were a
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Still, there is no denying that the
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operation around Fallujah, a politi
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Figure 2-1: Hooded Iraqi Prisoner a
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international resolve; in 2003, sig
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into the First World War to “make
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As a side-issue, but closely relate
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… I suppose American power is mor
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Scholars have identified a number o
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The poor poll showing increased con
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167. 181 In the concurrent County a
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lack of clear justification for the
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Thinking of the position of individ
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Regiment of Fusiliers for abuse of
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The final issue to be considered fr
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during his premiership * . The issu
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war of defence and liberation, has
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Second World War with the predomina
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…the cooking of news before it wa
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In the case of US soldiers in Iraq,
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terms: ‘the ability to get people
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on the team who simply love the gam
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In common with many colleagues the
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Solomou, a medic with The London Ir
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- are accepted. In the case of rese
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57 Ibid, Article 47. 58 E Luard, op
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113 David D Newsome, ‘The Bush Pr
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162 G. John Ikenberry, ‘Why Expor
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212 C Dunlap, Organizational Change
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162
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problems of mobilization and inflex
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even driven, much more by the polit
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whose average weight has continuall
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One consequence of the blurring of
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minority and all parties have to be
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much wider than traditional defence
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3.3 Humanitarian Intervention 3.3.1
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Chapter 2 (see Section CHAPTER 22.2
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Further evidence of a shift of cons
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The inability of a strictly legal p
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and optimism that followed successf
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The non-cooperation of the Khmer Ro
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As with the operation in Cambodia,
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The community of nations decided to
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humane values. The problem, of cour
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the secessionist aims of a sustaina
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(T)here assuredly are cases in whic
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upholding the law is a good thing a
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debacle. Weinberger-Powell is, esse
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‘Democracy’ says de Wijk ‘is
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(m)ost internal political or civil
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Of course, this conceptualization o
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Page 219 and 220: action. 143 For just one example of
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Page 233 and 234: Geoff Hoon argued that ‘… there
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Page 241 and 242: In the past decade, Saddam has syst
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Page 247 and 248: This chapter’s discussion of inte
Page 249 and 250: as with interventions, they will al
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Page 253 and 254: 137 K Roth, ‘War in Iraq not a Hu
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Page 257 and 258: warfare. AP I deals with ‘victims
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Page 261 and 262: Experience in Kosovo, Iraq and Afgh
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Page 265 and 266: eplacements, even in the United Sta
Page 267: intervene and was certainly, in par
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Page 287 and 288: This might be seen as the fulfilmen
Page 289 and 290: the rules of war, beginning with th
Page 291 and 292: Army, 99 with its accompanying Comm
Page 293 and 294: Values form the very identity of th
Page 295 and 296: three are intertwined and inter-rel
Page 297 and 298: of Independence, the Napoleonic Fre
Page 299 and 300: in Iraq throughout 2004-2005. Somet
Page 301 and 302: In July 2005 six former UK Chiefs o
Page 303 and 304: Nor does the expectation of being h
Page 305 and 306: never succeeds is, unfortunately, a
Page 307 and 308: soldiers.’ 135 Although Gray goes
Page 309 and 310: had been done: soldiers were reluct
Page 311 and 312: 4.4.1 PMCs A characteristic of cont
Page 313 and 314: Furthermore, the use of contract st
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of double effect is of dubious valu
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instrument of compassion is also re
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7 Ibid, p93. 8 Herfried Münkler (T
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69 UNSCR 837 (1993). Online at http
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137 Maj Gen A Stewart, Policy and t
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enter voluntarily. Until such a con
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If the application of the UN Charte
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5.6 Conclusion 6: Just War Offers a
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5.9 Conclusion 9: on ‘asymmetric
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328
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Higgins, Rosemary Hollis, Martin an
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Paperback edition 1994) de Wijk, Ro
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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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