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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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The clearest evidence for the stability of our values over time is the unchanging<br />

character of the lies soldiers and statesmen tell. They lie in order to justify<br />

themselves, and so they describe for us the lineaments of justice. Wherever we<br />

find hypocrisy, we find also moral knowledge. … … …Hypocrisy is rife in<br />

wartime discourse, because it is especially important at such a time to appear to<br />

be in the right. It is not only that the moral stakes are high; the hypocrite may<br />

not understand that; more crucially, his actions will be judged by other people,<br />

who are not hypocrites, and those judgements will affect their policies toward<br />

him.<br />

In this we see not only that realists are wrong in their description of how things are but<br />

also if we interpret them as telling us how things ought to be. There is good reason to<br />

give moral consideration to one’s actions, because others will judge us upon them and<br />

this will affect their policies towards us. This issue will be explored in greater depth in<br />

the next chapter but for now let us just consider that even a full-blooded realist might<br />

like to consider the possibility that his state, or its sponsor, might not always be in the<br />

position of the Athenians – that of the dominant power. Allowing, even assisting, the<br />

development of broadly accepted conventions based on ethical, or at least apparently<br />

ethical, concepts whilst imposing some self-restraint now, might be a valuable insurance<br />

policy for the future.<br />

To this we might add David Welch’s argument (see p5) that the realist insistence on<br />

‘national interest’ for foreign policy guidance lacks depth. Must the guidance be<br />

‘national interest’ to the exclusion of all else? Or might it not be national interest within<br />

the bounds of certain general moral principles; would anyone really want to live in<br />

world where unrestrained national interest was the only guiding principle for nations’<br />

behaviour? Would this not indeed be Hobbes’s state of nature? In any case when any<br />

of a number of actions are in the ‘national interest’, what calculus is to be used to<br />

determine the best course? At very least the arch-realist might concede, with<br />

Montesquieu, that ‘The right of nations is founded on the principle that the various<br />

nations should do to one another in times of peace the most good possible, and in times<br />

of war the least ill possible, without harming their true interests.’ 108 We might also add<br />

that for a government to act in the national interest is in itself a form of ethical motive;<br />

it is simply saying that the moral duty of a government is to act in the way that best<br />

serves the interest of its citizens. It is perfectly reasonable to argue that this is best (for<br />

38

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