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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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asymmetrical means to render ineffective the West’s superiority in conventional and<br />

high-technology weaponry. Less considered is the way the West makes war when it has<br />

the initiative. As we shall see it too has sought – and continues to seek – asymmetries.<br />

The West’s preferred means of making war will also have an impact on jus in bello.<br />

The Theory of Democratic Peace, with its roots in Kant’s Perpetual Peace 2 holds that<br />

democracies do not go to war with one another. 3 It is the philosophical underpinning for<br />

the Clinton Doctrine, articulated in the 1995 US National Security Document, A<br />

Strategy of Engagement and Enlargement, 4 which establishes three pillars for US<br />

foreign policy, summarised as ‘the retention of global military predominance, the quest<br />

for continued economic prosperity, and the promotion of free market democracy<br />

abroad.’ 5 Thus it also provided the logic for NATO expansion and also for the policy<br />

of humanitarian intervention. Put simply, the theory supposes that since in a democracy<br />

it is the people who determine government policy, and since it is the people who suffer<br />

most in war, democracies will be inclined to avoid war; since they can further ascribe<br />

similar views and cultural outlook to other democracies, their positions are mutually<br />

reinforcing and democracies are unlikely to fight each other. Realists/neo-realists are<br />

unconvinced by the supposed empirical evidence which to a degree relies on the<br />

definitions used of ‘democracy’ and ‘war’.<br />

Whether or not democracies ever use force against other democracies, evidence of the<br />

last century and first half-decade of the current one suggest that Western democracies<br />

are anything but averse to use of force. De Wijk argues that whether on moral grounds<br />

or for the protection of vital interests, coercion of others has long been a characteristic<br />

of liberal democracies. 6 He identifies three instruments of coercion: political measures,<br />

economic sanction and military force. 7 European nations have tended to favour<br />

political/economic measures whilst the US and a small number of allies, notably the<br />

UK, recently have leaned more towards military means. However, even when there is a<br />

preference for non-military means – coercive diplomacy or economic pressure – such<br />

intervention in the affairs of others has had mixed success and there are times when<br />

decisive action (invariably military) is necessary. (Non-decisive use of military force<br />

has also frequently been a cause of failed policy).<br />

249

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