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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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the realist must be persuaded that acting within a moral framework is in his (nation’s)<br />

interest. This does not seem an insurmountable task when even Machiavelli and Henry<br />

Kissinger can be seen to recommend it! Realists, noting the danger to a state’s interests<br />

inherent in engaging in conflict, do, or should, wish to minimize both the incidence and<br />

extent of it. Even a powerful hegemon should recognise that the best path to retaining<br />

its pre-eminence is to minimize the challenges to it. This it can do – as even<br />

Machiavelli concedes – through being perceived as legitimate. Both points suggest that<br />

realists might be open to persuasion that just war doctrine has relevance for them;<br />

unrestrained recourse to war both increases the generality of conflict (with all its<br />

inherent risks) and leads to resentment, fear and hatred of a powerful nation, which may<br />

increase the likelihood of assaults on its pre-eminent position. If we add the pragmatic<br />

need to conduct warfare in a manner that leaves open the way for eventual<br />

reconciliation, and consider, too, issues of escalation and reciprocity, then even the most<br />

hardened realist has good reason to seek also a morally based framework of jus in bello.<br />

The intellectual tradition broadly termed ‘liberalism’ has as its unifying themes a far<br />

more optimistic view of mankind and a belief in an underlying moral unity of humanity.<br />

In its reaction to war it ranges from pacifism at one end of the spectrum to a crusading<br />

moralism – often all too ready to use armed force as its instrument – at the other.<br />

Locke’s political philosophy takes a view of mankind as both rational and progressive;<br />

man seeking to advance both his own and the common good through cooperation. Kant<br />

extends this to the international arena: a society of states is as rationally ordained at the<br />

international level as is a society of individuals at the national.<br />

Cooperation rather than conflict is the central thesis of neo-liberalism in its response to<br />

structural realism: whilst the neo-realist argument assumes a zero-sum game in which<br />

relative gain is the principal measure of success, the neo-liberal thesis is that absolute<br />

gain is more important and is achievable through cooperation. This, in turn, is achieved<br />

through international institutions, formal and informal, explicit and conventional. When<br />

it comes to considering the liberal reaction to war, it is reasonable to conclude that an<br />

understanding of when it may legitimately be engaged in, and how it ought to be<br />

conducted, are amongst those institutions. Just war provides such a formulation and<br />

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