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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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Notwithstanding the significant steps represented by the Covenant of the League and<br />

the Kellogg-Briand Pact, they fell short of firmly establishing a legal paradigm for use<br />

of force. For a start, though the Covenant used the language of collective security, it<br />

established no mechanism through which that was to be effected, nor did it offer<br />

anything by way of enforcement. Although it required the referral of disputes to<br />

arbitration, it appears in the final analysis to have left competence de guerre in the<br />

hands of states. Moreover, it made specific reference only to ‘war’, thus being open to<br />

the interpretation that lesser acts of use of force remained permissible. Similarly, the<br />

Kellogg-Briand Pact offered nothing by way of collective defence or sanction against<br />

breaches, and it too, Article II notwithstanding, has been taken generally to renounce<br />

‘war’, specifically, rather than all forms of armed action 13 . So although the League<br />

Covenant and the Kellogg-Briand Pact offered firm principles for the foundation of the<br />

legal paradigm, they provided no mechanisms through which it could be made effective.<br />

As was shown in the last Chapter, the UN Charter attempts to address the failings of its<br />

precursors and to finally and definitively establish a legal paradigm for use of force.<br />

Firstly, its scope is broader – it is the ‘use of force’ or at least use of ‘armed force’ (see<br />

the discussion at p55) – that is prohibited, not merely ‘war’. With the exception of<br />

‘individual or collective self-defence if an armed attack occurs’ and even then only<br />

‘until the Security Council has taken measures necessary to maintain international peace<br />

and security’ 14 (and with the further, now anachronistic, exception of a resumption of<br />

hostilities by the Axis powers 15 ), the right to authorise the use of force was taken from<br />

states and vested in a supranational body. That said, it is important to note that what is<br />

being discussed here is a legal paradigm for the use of force; it is not to suggest that the<br />

UN Charter represents the apogee of the domestic law analogy across international<br />

relations as a whole. Indeed, its structure and organisation deliberately sought to<br />

highlight a political rather than legal nature, recognising that one of the flaws of the<br />

League system was a too overtly legalist character, which had not shown itself the most<br />

effective way of resolving all international issues 16 . In terms of use of force, however,<br />

there can be no questioning that the Charter, in theory at least, establishes an<br />

unequivocal legal foundation for the use of force, and its prohibition in all other<br />

circumstances. The reality, of course, has been somewhat different and it is worth<br />

70

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