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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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occurred and therefore attacks on them and those who harbour them are not pre-emptive<br />

at all but retaliatory. It is interesting to note that pre-emption is usually only really<br />

debated as an issue of jus ad bellum and not also one of jus in bello. Once conflict has<br />

been joined, soldiers are not required to demonstrate imminence of threat to justify<br />

killing enemy troops: enemy troops are legitimate targets on their way to (or, indeed,<br />

from) the combat zone, when eating, sleeping or otherwise engaged in unthreatening<br />

activity; from a military perspective it would be ludicrous to argue otherwise. (An<br />

exception to this, perhaps, was the controversy surrounding the sinking of the Argentine<br />

battleship Belgrano at the outset of the Falklands conflict). On the other hand, in<br />

peacekeeping a different ethic is used – more akin, we have seen argued, to that of the<br />

policeman; in such cases last resort is something required to be determined by soldiers<br />

before each and every act of violence. Along the spectrum of conflict the situation is<br />

less clear. Yet, much of the debate about targeted-killing or about RoE in insurgency<br />

would have rather less substance if asymmetric war were recognised first and foremost<br />

as war. Then issues of pre-emption no longer feature in the jus ad bellum; battle has<br />

been joined. They need only be considered as part of the jus in bello and here it is<br />

proportionality and discrimination that are the criteria of legitimacy, not last resort. So<br />

long as the response meets the jus in bello requirements of proportionality and<br />

discrimination it is then acceptable in just war terms. (The following chapter will<br />

consider in more depth jus in bello issues associated with so-called asymmetric war).<br />

This is fine so far as it goes. The difficulty is that this same rationale then seems to be<br />

transferred by some, as indeed in the US National Security Strategy of 2002, to a<br />

justification for the US action against Iraq. Vice-President Dick Cheney, for instance,<br />

argued that 203 :<br />

… the President and I never for a moment forget our number one responsibility:<br />

to protect the American people against further attack, and to win the war that<br />

began last September 11th.<br />

… ….<br />

In the days of the Cold War, we were able to manage the threat with strategies of<br />

deterrence and containment. But it's a lot tougher to deter enemies who have no<br />

country to defend. And containment is not possible when dictators obtain<br />

weapons of mass destruction, and are prepared to share them with terrorists who<br />

intend to inflict catastrophic casualties on the United States.<br />

… …<br />

231

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