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CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

CRANFIELD UNIVERSITY DAREN BOWYER JUST WAR DOCTRINE

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international bodies. For Aquinas it was relatively straightforward: due authority can<br />

readily be translated ‘sovereign authority’ and this, in his context, could only mean a<br />

state. Private citizens have no right to assemble armies and declare wars because ‘if<br />

such a person has a serious grievance it is his duty and opportunity to apply for just<br />

vindication from the appropriate political authority superior to him.’ 136 Tooke goes on<br />

to point out that even for Aquinas there should be some debate about what constitutes<br />

sovereign authority for, theoretically at least, the plethora of minor princes who between<br />

them ruled most of Europe, all owed allegiance to the Holy Roman Empire and so all<br />

had an ‘appropriate political authority to whom they could turn for peaceful vindication<br />

of alleged wrongs.’ The reality, of course, was somewhat different and it can be argued<br />

that setting aside the particular political conditions of the day, Aquinas was seeking to<br />

make a much more fundamental point of enduring value:<br />

By allowing the sovereign the ultimate power to make war, Aquinas, in his own<br />

political context, was admitting war between equals, that is, war between cities<br />

and provinces as well as kingdoms. That such should be legitimate when war<br />

between private persons is not so may be due to the fact that in the former case<br />

there is no effective higher authority having common jurisdiction over both<br />

parties, whereas local or national government supplied a means of resolving<br />

individual conflicts. 137<br />

In the international system that was to emerge after the Peace of Westphalia (1648),<br />

these ‘equals’ were to be states and this paradigmatic right of states alone, within certain<br />

moral boundaries, to resort to use of force continued, effectively, until the signing of the<br />

Kellog-Briand Pact in 1928. It can be argued that, eventually, with the UN and the<br />

International Court of Justice (ICJ) there arrived that ‘higher authority’ to which states<br />

could refer disputes – thus placing them on the same footing as individual citizens in<br />

Aquinas’ doctrine. So the justification for states’ use of force was undermined.<br />

Conversely, it may be argued that failure of the higher authority to be effective<br />

legitimises again states’ use of force.<br />

Although, as noted, Augustine’s doctrine would perhaps better be interpreted as<br />

justified war – a necessary evil, never, per se, a righteous undertaking – and<br />

notwithstanding Aquinas’s ‘whether it is always a sin’, it is frequently held that in the<br />

Thomian period and beyond such restraint on war as the doctrine demanded, was<br />

47

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