Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
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68<br />
Urban crime and violence<br />
Type of violence Number a Rate per 100,000 Proporti<strong>on</strong> of<br />
individuals b<br />
total<br />
(percentage)<br />
Homicide 520,000 8.8 31.3<br />
Suicide 815,000 14.5 49.1<br />
War related 310,000 5.2 18.6<br />
Total c 1,659,000 28.8 100.0<br />
Low- to middle-income countries 1,510,000 32.1 91.1<br />
High-income countries 149,000 14.4 8.9<br />
Table 3.5<br />
Table 3.5 Estimated<br />
global violence-related<br />
deaths (2000)<br />
Notes: a Rounded to nearest<br />
1000.<br />
b Age standardized.<br />
c Includes 14,000 intenti<strong>on</strong>al<br />
injury deaths resulting from<br />
legal interventi<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Source: Krug et al, 2002, p10<br />
The speed of<br />
urbanizati<strong>on</strong> is<br />
significantly associated<br />
with increased<br />
crime rates in some<br />
of the world’s<br />
regi<strong>on</strong>s<br />
Figure 3.19<br />
Family income and<br />
relatives murdered<br />
(Brazil)<br />
Note: MW = minimum wage:<br />
approximately US$175 per<br />
m<strong>on</strong>th at time of publicati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Source: Zaluar, <strong>2007</strong><br />
prosperity are associated with increasing levels of property<br />
crimes. Similarly, within cities, more prosperous areas or<br />
neighbourhoods often account for a larger proporti<strong>on</strong> of<br />
property crimes. Relative to individual prosperity, recent<br />
research suggests that the wealth of an individual is closely<br />
c<strong>on</strong>nected to the risk of becoming a crime victim. In<br />
countries with high levels of income inequality, the risk of<br />
individual crime victimizati<strong>on</strong> is higher than in countries<br />
with less inequality. 137<br />
Gender, racial, ethnic and religious inequalities are<br />
also major factors in violence perpetrated against women<br />
and minorities. While the venue of violence against women<br />
and children is often the home, racial, ethnic and religious<br />
inequality generally plays out in community settings. In this<br />
c<strong>on</strong>text, an egregious example is the atrocities committed in<br />
Rwanda by ethnic Hutu groups against Tutsis, where it is<br />
estimated that as many as 800,000 people were massacred.<br />
Pace of urbanizati<strong>on</strong><br />
While early research failed to substantiate a relati<strong>on</strong>ship<br />
between crime and the pace of urbanizati<strong>on</strong>, 138 more recent<br />
studies have found that the speed of urbanizati<strong>on</strong> is significantly<br />
associated with increased crime rates in some of the<br />
world’s regi<strong>on</strong>s. For instance, results from a survey of 17<br />
Latin American countries indicate that households located in<br />
areas experiencing high levels of growth are more likely to<br />
be victimized than those in communities with stable populati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
139 In Latin America, city growth is seen as a very<br />
str<strong>on</strong>ger indicator of crime rates. 140 These findings suggest<br />
that there may be a wider associati<strong>on</strong> between urbanizati<strong>on</strong><br />
and crime in certain high-growth regi<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
The impacts of rapid urbanizati<strong>on</strong> also extend bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />
direct victimizati<strong>on</strong>. People in rapidly growing cities of Latin<br />
America have diminished c<strong>on</strong>fidence in police officials and<br />
the judiciary to resolve problems. 141 Thus, rapid development<br />
places increased pressures <strong>on</strong> the ability of authorities<br />
to meet public security and safety demands. When expectati<strong>on</strong>s<br />
are not met, citizens become cynical and distrustful of<br />
public instituti<strong>on</strong>s. This is especially important since almost<br />
all of the world’s urban growth in the next two decades will<br />
be absorbed by cities of the developing world, whose public<br />
instituti<strong>on</strong>s are least equipped to deal with the challenges of<br />
rapid urbanizati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Moreover, the rate of urbanizati<strong>on</strong> is related to the<br />
pace at which people change households – populati<strong>on</strong> instability<br />
– which is str<strong>on</strong>gly associated with crime. Rapidly<br />
growing urban centres are typically places where there is a<br />
high turnover of people and where social coherence is less<br />
stable and ‘protective’ as an informal social c<strong>on</strong>trol for criminal<br />
behaviour. Thus, being ‘transient’ is a significant risk and<br />
an enabling factor associated with organized and comm<strong>on</strong><br />
crime in urban areas and especially where ‘illegal<br />
immigrants, drug dealers and sex workers tend to c<strong>on</strong>gregate’.<br />
142 For instance, almost half of Port Moresby’s (Papua<br />
New Guinea) urban populati<strong>on</strong> of 330,000 live in squatter<br />
settlements most are relatively recent in-migrants to the city.<br />
These settlements are c<strong>on</strong>sidered to be the main sources of<br />
criminal activity in the city. The problems are compounded<br />
by poverty, the lack of formal-sector employment, low c<strong>on</strong>fidence<br />
in public authorities to provide protecti<strong>on</strong> and justice,<br />
and the destabilizati<strong>on</strong> of traditi<strong>on</strong>al social and cultural<br />
systems found in village councils and courts. 143 The<br />
burge<strong>on</strong>ing growth of São Paulo, Brazil, offers another<br />
example of the disruptive effects of rapid populati<strong>on</strong> growth<br />
and change, as shown in Box 3.3.<br />
Projecti<strong>on</strong>s indicate that the pace of urbanizati<strong>on</strong> is<br />
most rapid in the less developed regi<strong>on</strong>s of Africa and Asia.<br />
Smaller urban settlements of less than 500,000 and<br />
medium-sized cities between 1 milli<strong>on</strong> and 5 milli<strong>on</strong> are<br />
growing faster than megacities. Existing urban areas of<br />
Africa, Asia and Latin America are projected to have the<br />
largest increases in urban populati<strong>on</strong>s by 2030. Yet, these<br />
are regi<strong>on</strong>s whose instituti<strong>on</strong>s – including planning, criminal<br />
justice, social service and infrastructure systems – are least<br />
equipped to deal with rapid urbanizati<strong>on</strong>. All of this invariably<br />
suggests impacts in terms of increases in slum and<br />
squatter settlements, street children and crime within urban<br />
centres struggling to provide adequate public services<br />
(including security and justice systems) to existing residents.<br />
Percentage of residents with murdered relatives<br />
8<br />
6<br />
4<br />
2<br />
0<br />
2 x MW 2–4 x MW 4–7 x MW 7–11 x MW >11 MW<br />
City size and density<br />
If the relati<strong>on</strong>ship between the pace of urbanizati<strong>on</strong> and<br />
crime is not completely understood, the same can be said<br />
about the highly complex c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s between city size,<br />
density and crime. Nevertheless, there is little questi<strong>on</strong> that<br />
more people are increasingly vulnerable to crime and<br />
violence in many large urban areas than ever before. A fundamental<br />
theory is that city size and density are in themselves<br />
directly associated with social pathologies, including<br />
crime. 144 There is evidence that city size and crime rates are<br />
related. 145 However, this relati<strong>on</strong>ship is likely to be more<br />
pr<strong>on</strong>ounced in developing countries vis-à-vis developed