Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
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184<br />
Natural and human-made disasters<br />
Box 7.8 Rapid urbanizati<strong>on</strong> and envir<strong>on</strong>mental hazard in Dhaka, Bangladesh<br />
Increasingly, urban<br />
planners are looking<br />
for ways in which …<br />
disaster risk-reducti<strong>on</strong><br />
… can scale<br />
down … to semiaut<strong>on</strong>omous<br />
local<br />
planning and acti<strong>on</strong><br />
z<strong>on</strong>es<br />
Dhaka has a populati<strong>on</strong> of 11.6 milli<strong>on</strong>, and this is rising fast. The<br />
city is built <strong>on</strong> alluvial terraces and is exposed to flooding from<br />
rivers, direct rainfall, coastal flooding and earthquakes. With so<br />
many sources of natural hazard, <strong>on</strong>e might ask how a city came to<br />
thrive in such a locati<strong>on</strong>.<br />
The city’s growth has been tied to its political importance.<br />
The city was established as the capital of Bengal in 1610. In 1905,<br />
Dhaka became the capital of East Bengal and in 1947 it was designated<br />
the capital of East Pakistan, with the greatest growth after<br />
independence when Dhaka became the capital of Bangladesh. In<br />
1971, there were between 1 milli<strong>on</strong> and 2 milli<strong>on</strong> residents.<br />
Throughout the modern period, expansi<strong>on</strong> has seen the c<strong>on</strong>versi<strong>on</strong><br />
of marshes and farmland into urban land use. High-rise commercial<br />
and residential buildings have become increasingly used to cater for<br />
growth and are predominantly located in the higher areas of the<br />
city.<br />
Despite its l<strong>on</strong>g history, 90 per cent of populati<strong>on</strong> growth<br />
and associated urban expansi<strong>on</strong> into areas at risk has occurred<br />
since 1971. Initial expansi<strong>on</strong> to the north of the city captured<br />
higher ground above flood levels or <strong>on</strong> earth-filled lower-lying sites.<br />
Source: Huq, 1999<br />
be a pressure leading to an increase in vulnerability through<br />
the lowering of employment rights or envir<strong>on</strong>mental protecti<strong>on</strong><br />
legislati<strong>on</strong>. The 3500 deaths from a toxic gas leak in<br />
Uni<strong>on</strong> Carbide’s plant in Bhopal (India) in 1984 can be<br />
explained by just such a cocktail of pressures. 55<br />
Urban populati<strong>on</strong>s follow industrial investment, so<br />
that large cities also c<strong>on</strong>tribute substantially to their<br />
country’s GDP. For instance, Mexico City is resp<strong>on</strong>sible for<br />
around <strong>on</strong>e third of Mexico’s GDP. Large cities and megacities,<br />
56 in particular, create huge c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong>s of people<br />
and physical and financial assets, and are frequently also<br />
cultural and political centres. They generate the potential for<br />
substantial losses from single large disaster events, creating<br />
new challenges for risk management. Increasingly, not <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
the balance of urban populati<strong>on</strong>s, but also the world’s largest<br />
cities, will be found in Africa, Asia and Latin America and the<br />
Caribbean. 57<br />
Not all large urban centres have similar vulnerability<br />
profiles. At a broad level, differences exist between those<br />
cities that form part of the core global ec<strong>on</strong>omy (L<strong>on</strong>d<strong>on</strong>,<br />
Paris, New York and Tokyo) and are globally c<strong>on</strong>nected<br />
(Mexico City, Johannesburg, Alexandria and Mumbai), <strong>on</strong><br />
the <strong>on</strong>e hand, and, <strong>on</strong> the other, those that are large but <strong>on</strong>ly<br />
loosely c<strong>on</strong>nected globally (Lagos, Nairobi and Khartoum).<br />
While this divisi<strong>on</strong> is simplistic, it serves well to illustrate<br />
the different ec<strong>on</strong>omic base, political instituti<strong>on</strong>s and<br />
management capacity that is found in large cities and<br />
megacities worldwide.<br />
Small cities of less than 500,000 are home to the<br />
large majority of the world’s urban dwellers, with the total<br />
populati<strong>on</strong> of small urban areas exposed to envir<strong>on</strong>mental<br />
risk exceeding the total at-risk populati<strong>on</strong> resident in megacities.<br />
58 Small cities may be especially susceptible to<br />
More recent expansi<strong>on</strong> has c<strong>on</strong>tinued northwards over low-lying<br />
land. Inequality is extreme in the city, with the richest 2 per cent of<br />
the residents occupying 20 per cent of the city’s land. Some 30 per<br />
cent of the city’s populati<strong>on</strong> fall below the poverty line and live in<br />
increasingly marginalized and hazardous slums and squatter settlements.<br />
The multiple relati<strong>on</strong>ships between urbanizati<strong>on</strong> and hazard<br />
are well exemplified in Dhaka. Rapid populati<strong>on</strong> growth is partly<br />
fuelled by rural migrants who have been made homeless by flooding,<br />
cycl<strong>on</strong>es or shifting river beds in rural districts. The neglect of<br />
small towns also increases the pull of Dhaka as a place of ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
opportunities. Urban expansi<strong>on</strong> in Dhaka is swallowing adjacent<br />
agricultural land, reducing opportunities for sustainable local food<br />
producti<strong>on</strong>.<br />
Industrial risk has increased as industrial z<strong>on</strong>es that were<br />
originally <strong>on</strong> the outskirts of the city have been swallowed by<br />
sprawling residential areas. These residential z<strong>on</strong>es fall outside of<br />
land-use planning and regulati<strong>on</strong>s. Fire is a problem in these areas<br />
and in densely populated slum districts.<br />
complete destructi<strong>on</strong> in a single event – for example, a<br />
volcanic erupti<strong>on</strong> and mudflow in Amero (Colombia) in 1985<br />
killed most of the city’s 25,000 inhabitants. 59 Despite this,<br />
the majority of research and investment have, to date,<br />
focused <strong>on</strong> large cities and megacities.<br />
While smaller settlements might, as a last resort, be<br />
relocated to avoid hazard risk, this becomes increasingly<br />
problematic with large cities. There has been some talk of<br />
moving major cities away from z<strong>on</strong>es of earthquake risk, as in<br />
the case of Tehran, where a large earthquake could claim<br />
720,000 lives and bring the country to a standstill. 60 Simply<br />
scaling up risk management procedures developed for<br />
relatively smaller cities might not be the best opti<strong>on</strong> for<br />
building security into megacities. Increasingly, urban<br />
planners are looking for ways in which infrastructure, landuse<br />
and disaster risk reducti<strong>on</strong> and resp<strong>on</strong>se planning can<br />
scale down from master plans at the city level to semiaut<strong>on</strong>omous<br />
local planning and acti<strong>on</strong> z<strong>on</strong>es. However,<br />
experiences of managing disaster risk in larger cities should<br />
not be uncritically applied in small urban areas where political,<br />
ec<strong>on</strong>omic, social and envir<strong>on</strong>mental c<strong>on</strong>texts and<br />
capacities will differ (see Box 7.9).<br />
Even where urban expansi<strong>on</strong> is planned, disaster risk<br />
can be generated. In El Salvador, free trade z<strong>on</strong>es in San<br />
Bartolo, El Pedregal, Olocuilta and San Marcos were<br />
promoted by the government without adequate c<strong>on</strong>cern for<br />
earthquake hazard. During the 2001 earthquake, large losses<br />
were reported from am<strong>on</strong>g migrant workers who supplied<br />
labour to foreign-owned enterprises in these new towns. 61<br />
Thus, to understand the motors shaping trends in urbanizati<strong>on</strong><br />
and disaster risk, it is necessary to look bey<strong>on</strong>d<br />
populati<strong>on</strong> statistics to changes in the form, compositi<strong>on</strong> and<br />
governance of human settlements.