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Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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Urban crime and violence: C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s and trends<br />

71<br />

opening of new ec<strong>on</strong>omic fr<strong>on</strong>tiers, and pressures brought<br />

to bear <strong>on</strong> developing nati<strong>on</strong>s to cut back bureaucracies<br />

while increasing private-sector involvement in state enterprises.<br />

175 The resulting destabilizati<strong>on</strong> has led to widespread<br />

job insecurity and increasing social fragmentati<strong>on</strong> am<strong>on</strong>g<br />

young people, especially those living in distressed communities<br />

in developed and developing nati<strong>on</strong>s. Gang membership<br />

thereby provides alternative avenues relating to illicit<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic gains from robbery, extorti<strong>on</strong> and other types of<br />

crime, with violence being used as a resource to obtain social<br />

identity. 176 Although there is variability am<strong>on</strong>g regi<strong>on</strong>s and<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>s, this overall trend is not likely to be reversed in the<br />

foreseeable future.<br />

■ Deportati<strong>on</strong> of offending criminals<br />

Closely related to globalizati<strong>on</strong> is the deportati<strong>on</strong> of criminals<br />

to their countries of origin. This phenomen<strong>on</strong>, which is<br />

quite comm<strong>on</strong> in Latin America and the Caribbean, where<br />

offenders are deported from the US, in part accounts for<br />

increasing levels of youth crime and gang-related activities in<br />

the regi<strong>on</strong>. In Central America, the phenomenal growth in<br />

youth gangs has been attributed to the deportati<strong>on</strong> of young<br />

Salvadorans from the US. This has resulted in the ‘transfer’<br />

of gang wars from the ghettos of Los Angeles to the streets<br />

of El Salvador. 177 Similarly, in Jamaica, where gangs have a<br />

stranglehold <strong>on</strong> society and are at the centre of most<br />

murders, the feeling is rife that deportees are a major part of<br />

the crime problem. Indeed, the deportati<strong>on</strong> of criminals has<br />

been linked to escalating gang violence, extorti<strong>on</strong> and drugrelated<br />

murders experienced over the past five years. 178 In<br />

2001, ‘an analysis by the Jamaican police c<strong>on</strong>cluded that<br />

deportees, many of them gang members from the northeastern<br />

US, were involved in 600 murders, 1700 armed<br />

robberies and 150 shoot-outs with police’. 179 The effect of<br />

deportees <strong>on</strong> the Jamaican crime scene is further highlighted<br />

in a survey of deported criminals, which revealed that 53 per<br />

cent had been involved in criminal activities since deportati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

180 Such crimes include those not reported to the<br />

police. Am<strong>on</strong>g those reporting involvement in crime, 78 per<br />

cent had committed more than <strong>on</strong>e crime, and another 35<br />

per cent indicated that they had been involved in drugrelated<br />

offences.<br />

Transiti<strong>on</strong> towards democratizati<strong>on</strong><br />

As violent crime rates have variably increased over the past<br />

half century, cross-nati<strong>on</strong>al, l<strong>on</strong>gitudinal research paints a<br />

picture of this as an outcome, at least in part, of broad<br />

internati<strong>on</strong>al trends in governance. In this c<strong>on</strong>text,<br />

homicide rates are used as an indicator of violent crime.<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Report</str<strong>on</strong>g>ing <strong>on</strong> observed trends in 44 mostly industrialized<br />

countries over a 50-year period, research indicates that<br />

global homicide rates have grown at about the same time as<br />

there have been significant increases in political democratizati<strong>on</strong>.<br />

181 Evidence to support this c<strong>on</strong>tenti<strong>on</strong> comes from<br />

researchers tracking significantly increased homicides in<br />

Latin America following widespread democratizati<strong>on</strong> of the<br />

regi<strong>on</strong> during the 1990s. Democratizati<strong>on</strong> is broadly<br />

characterized as the spread of governments that are put<br />

El Salvador<br />

Brazil<br />

Bahamas<br />

United States<br />

Thailand<br />

Georgia<br />

Israel<br />

Belgium<br />

Est<strong>on</strong>ia<br />

Serbia and M<strong>on</strong>tenegro<br />

Portugal<br />

Croatia<br />

Canada<br />

Bahrain<br />

Kuwait<br />

into power by majority vote and supported by civil societies<br />

that ‘encourage citizen participati<strong>on</strong>, public deliberati<strong>on</strong><br />

and civic educati<strong>on</strong>’. 182 Three principal theories have been<br />

elaborated up<strong>on</strong> in this c<strong>on</strong>text. They are the ‘civilizati<strong>on</strong><br />

perspective’, the ‘c<strong>on</strong>flict perspective’ and the ‘modernizati<strong>on</strong><br />

perspective’. Figure 3.21 summarizes the expected<br />

relati<strong>on</strong>ships between democracy and crime based <strong>on</strong> these<br />

theories.<br />

Results of statistical analysis suggest that nati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

undergoing transiti<strong>on</strong> from autocratic governance to democracy<br />

exhibit the most significant increases in homicide rates<br />

(modernizati<strong>on</strong> perspective). These include countries in<br />

Eastern Europe and the Latin America and Caribbean regi<strong>on</strong>.<br />

As such nati<strong>on</strong>s move towards full democracy, their rates<br />

may begin to decline, even though they will not disappear<br />

and may, indeed, creep upward as evidenced by the data<br />

from full democracies. Evidence to support the decline in<br />

rates commensurate with democratizati<strong>on</strong> may be found in<br />

South Africa’s murder rates, which have been declining as it<br />

has been c<strong>on</strong>solidating democratic governance. In 1995, its<br />

murder rate was 68 per 100,000 individuals, which dipped<br />

to 50 per 100,000 and then 48 per 100,000 in 2002. During<br />

2003 to 2004, the rate dropped to 44 per 100,000 – still<br />

extremely high, but an impressive 35 per cent improvement<br />

in less than a decade. Other evidence comes from the reducti<strong>on</strong><br />

of the murder rate in Diadema (Brazil), which has slowly<br />

c<strong>on</strong>solidated a democratic resp<strong>on</strong>se to crime as it has<br />

evolved from a community based <strong>on</strong> fr<strong>on</strong>tier justice<br />

standards. Although still high, its murder rate has fallen<br />

twice as fast as that of neighbouring São Paulo’s between<br />

1999 and 2003. 183 It should be noted that the latter trends<br />

are short term and may not be indicative of causal relati<strong>on</strong>ships.<br />

Indeed, there are democratic states where violence<br />

rates are extremely high, such as Colombia and Jamaica.<br />

Overall<br />

Men aged 15–29<br />

0 25 50 75 100<br />

Figure 3.20<br />

Firearm homicide<br />

rates: Victims per<br />

100,000 individuals<br />

am<strong>on</strong>g men aged 15 to<br />

19 compared with the<br />

overall populati<strong>on</strong><br />

(selected countries,<br />

latest year available)<br />

Source: Small Arms Survey,<br />

2006a, p297<br />

In Central America,<br />

the phenomenal<br />

growth in youth<br />

gangs has been<br />

attributed to the<br />

deportati<strong>on</strong> of young<br />

Salvadorans from<br />

the US

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