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Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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Vulnerability, risk and resilience: Towards a c<strong>on</strong>ceptual framework<br />

35<br />

be ‘gendered victims’, such as women and girls. Other kinds<br />

of generic victims exist in cities – for example, street<br />

children who may be abused, maimed and even killed by<br />

public authorities to rid the city of so-called nuisances, or by<br />

private individuals or gangs who assume that attacking street<br />

children can be d<strong>on</strong>e with impunity. If these victims are<br />

vulnerable to crime and violence, they are also vulnerable to<br />

forced evicti<strong>on</strong>s and are likely to be the least protected<br />

during natural disasters. These individuals are, therefore,<br />

likely to be cumulatively vulnerable to risks and hazards.<br />

FORMS OF<br />

INTERDEPENDENCE<br />

The above analysis dem<strong>on</strong>strates that urban safety and<br />

security are dependent up<strong>on</strong> complicated patterns of<br />

cumulative causati<strong>on</strong> and multiple impacts. An added dimensi<strong>on</strong><br />

to this complexity is a pattern of interdependence, as<br />

well. Distinct spheres of acti<strong>on</strong> – social, ec<strong>on</strong>omic and<br />

envir<strong>on</strong>mental – interact in ways that dem<strong>on</strong>strate the high<br />

degree of interdependence am<strong>on</strong>g them. Indeed, it is these<br />

myriad forms of interdependence which form a central part<br />

of the argument about various forms of resilience and<br />

sustainability. 49<br />

So far, examples in which social, ec<strong>on</strong>omic or spatial<br />

outcomes have depended up<strong>on</strong> multiple factors have been<br />

presented. These factors have been described as c<strong>on</strong>tributing<br />

to cumulative causati<strong>on</strong>. The chains of causati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

however, do not move <strong>on</strong>ly in <strong>on</strong>e directi<strong>on</strong>. For example,<br />

the high crime in Mexico City may be, in part, a result of<br />

macro-ec<strong>on</strong>omic changes affecting the availability of employment.<br />

But high crime, as suggested earlier, also has a<br />

significant cost for the macro-ec<strong>on</strong>omy and c<strong>on</strong>tributes to<br />

low levels of foreign direct investment or tourism. High<br />

crime at the community level can also reduce the rate of<br />

savings or asset accumulati<strong>on</strong> of households who have been<br />

robbed. As a result, they are unable to invest in improving<br />

their homes. Therefore, even though their investment is<br />

modest, their victimizati<strong>on</strong> by crime has inhibited ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

multipliers within their community. This micro-example is<br />

repeated many times over in countries such as Colombia or<br />

El Salvador, where households may be wary to reveal any<br />

wealth for fear of robbery. The causes of insecurity, therefore,<br />

may come from different origins.<br />

The complexity of these patterns of causati<strong>on</strong><br />

suggests that simple explanati<strong>on</strong>s or single-issue recommendati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

to improve urban safety and security are likely to be<br />

of limited value. This observati<strong>on</strong> sets up the normative<br />

framework in the following secti<strong>on</strong>.<br />

PATHWAYS TO RESILIENCE<br />

Previous secti<strong>on</strong>s of this chapter have proposed a c<strong>on</strong>ceptual<br />

framework for understanding the origins, causati<strong>on</strong> and<br />

impacts of the three threats to urban safety and security<br />

addressed in this report: crime and violence, insecurity of<br />

tenure, and disasters. Risk factors underlying these threats<br />

have also been discussed at different geographical and<br />

analytical levels. This discussi<strong>on</strong> has dem<strong>on</strong>strated that<br />

single-cause explanati<strong>on</strong>s are insufficient representati<strong>on</strong>s of<br />

the complexity of these phenomena. In normative terms,<br />

three arenas have been identified that have the potential to<br />

remedy some of the worst impacts of these problems: instituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

and policy, the juridical framework of internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

law, and civil society and culture.<br />

While each of these arenas will be presented in detail<br />

in subsequent chapters of this report in relati<strong>on</strong> to each of<br />

the three threats to urban safety and security, the following<br />

sub-secti<strong>on</strong>s suggest that, individually and together, the<br />

arenas offer alternative and complementary pathways to the<br />

resilience required to alleviate some of the worst impacts of<br />

these problems. For the purposes of this chapter, as noted<br />

earlier, resilience is defined as the capacity to adjust to<br />

threats, to mitigate or avoid harm, and to bounce back from<br />

shocks.<br />

Instituti<strong>on</strong>s and policy<br />

As suggested in previous secti<strong>on</strong>s of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Report</str<strong>on</strong>g>, <strong>on</strong>e<br />

dimensi<strong>on</strong> of the urban safety and security challenges requiring<br />

direct attenti<strong>on</strong> is the role of instituti<strong>on</strong>s. Examples have<br />

been provided showing how various factors at the global and<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>al levels have affected nati<strong>on</strong>al instituti<strong>on</strong>s and, in<br />

turn, their influence <strong>on</strong> the capacity of urban and community<br />

instituti<strong>on</strong>s to resp<strong>on</strong>d to these challenges. While it is<br />

relatively easy to identify and document these instituti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

impacts, it is much harder to improve instituti<strong>on</strong>al performance<br />

<strong>on</strong> managing, for example, crime and violence in the<br />

short, medium and even the l<strong>on</strong>g term. Indeed, the<br />

weakness of urban instituti<strong>on</strong>s is itself a vulnerability that<br />

allows these threats to security to be so heavy in their social<br />

and ec<strong>on</strong>omic impacts in the first place.<br />

As noted above, the term ‘instituti<strong>on</strong>’ refers to any<br />

structured pattern of behaviour, including ‘informal’ instituti<strong>on</strong>s<br />

or behaviours, that communities and households may<br />

use to maintain their equilibrium in the face of dynamic<br />

c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s such as crime and violence or disasters. The value<br />

and utility of this sociological definiti<strong>on</strong> of ‘instituti<strong>on</strong>’ is<br />

illustrated in the following examples. Recent experiences<br />

have dem<strong>on</strong>strated that in disasters in many countries, such<br />

as after earthquakes in Surat in India and Bursa in Turkey, or<br />

in recovery from tsunami-affected areas in India or Sri Lanka,<br />

women’s groups are usually the best informed about community<br />

c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s and about the mapping of facilities,<br />

households and community hazards. 50 It should not be<br />

surprising that they also are effective in determining the<br />

priorities for relief and recovery, as internati<strong>on</strong>al aid organizati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

have now come to recognize and appreciate.<br />

The issue of informati<strong>on</strong> is critical in this c<strong>on</strong>text:<br />

normally male-dominated public instituti<strong>on</strong>s seek to c<strong>on</strong>trol<br />

informati<strong>on</strong> before and after disasters, using such events as<br />

opportunities to assert power or to have a privileged claim<br />

<strong>on</strong> the flow of new resources destined for relief and recovery.<br />

Women’s groups as informal instituti<strong>on</strong>s, therefore,<br />

should be central to any mapping of instituti<strong>on</strong>al actors<br />

involved in maintaining urban safety and security. The importance<br />

of gender in this regard directly c<strong>on</strong>tradicts what is<br />

The complexity<br />

of … patterns of<br />

causati<strong>on</strong> suggests<br />

that simple<br />

explanati<strong>on</strong>s or<br />

single-issue<br />

recommendati<strong>on</strong>s to<br />

improve urban<br />

safety and security<br />

are likely to be of<br />

limited value<br />

Resilience is … the<br />

capacity to adjust to<br />

threats, to mitigate<br />

or avoid harm, and<br />

to bounce back from<br />

shocks

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