Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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216 Natural and human-made disasters Reconstruction is a period when urban land rights are often contested or fought over by competing interests The basic need for shelter should not be used as an excuse for overly rapid and socially unsustainable housing reconstruction …local economic development must be restarted as soon as possible after a disaster rights, or for the poor or tenants, to lose claims over highvalue land, and for this to be transferred to speculators and developers in the process of reconstruction. If land titles did not exist before the disaster or have been lost, proxy indicators are useful. Where such measures are not possible, alternative means need to be found to ensure that land is not seized outright or that fraudulent claims are not honoured. Following the Indian Ocean Tsunami in 2004, reconstruction planning for Aceh (Indonesia) recognized the opportunity to build back better through the provision of land titles. Land rights were correctly understood to be the cornerstone upon which communities rebuild their homes and livelihoods. They provide a solid, legal foundation for spatial planning, reconstruction and long-term economic development. Reconstruction has been supported by a multidonor fund of US$28 million. Under the project, some 600,000 land parcels are to be titled, many for the first time ever, since less than 20 per cent of the landowners in Aceh had legal titles prior to the tsunami. This developmental aspect of reconstruction will enable citizens to use their land as collateral for financing homes and businesses. Yet, a review of progress in December 2006 found that while fieldbased teams had surveyed and adjudicated over 120,000 parcels of land, bureaucratic obstacles had resulted in the disbursement of only 7700 titles. Political will as well as technical capacity is needed to push forward ambitious programmes for building back better. 94 The overall aim of building back better is to use reconstruction as an opportunity to improve the economic, physical and social infrastructure, and to support the asset bases of individuals and households at risk. Reconstruction becomes a project for improving survivors’ life chances and resilience, not returning them to pre-disaster levels. If reconstruction programmes are to build back better, they must take into account the needs of families and be sensitive to gender, age and culturally specific needs and norms. The basic need for shelter should not be used as an excuse for overly rapid and socially unsustainable housing reconstruction. Too often, household livelihoods requiring access to external space (such as peri-urban agriculture) are lost when reconstruction planning places excessive emphasis on value for money. The misapplication of a development approach was seen in the Indian Ocean Tsunami in 2004, where efforts were made to strengthen the local livelihood base beyond pre-tsunami levels through the widespread provision of fishing boats. In some communities, this led to a lack of crew and the withdrawal of older male children from school. One positive outcome of reconstruction that takes development goals into account can be the strengthening of social capital, which, in turn, builds resilience. In cities were civil society is strong, disasters can be opportunities for pushing reforms in urban planning. Popular action in Mexico City, following the 1985 earthquake, prevented the implementation of city plans to redevelop low-income inner-city tenements for higher-income uses. The International Labour Organization (ILO) Crisis Response Programme aims to promote social development during reconstruction by helping to save existing jobs and creating new ones through the reconstruction process. The response package to the 2001 Gujarat earthquake in India included a model programme for social and economic reconstruction in ten villages in the Kutch district, funded by the ILO and implemented by the Self-Employed Women’s Association (SEWA). In response to the earthquakes in El Salvador and in Peru in 2001, rapid employment impact projects were launched in partnership with the UNDP. 95 In order for households and communities to recover, local economic reconstruction must be restarted as soon as possible after a disaster. This means developing local markets through cash-for-work schemes, as well as direct support for local businesses requiring new premises or tools to restart. Often called ‘foundation markets’, these include consumer and retail services – stalls and shops. 96 A final act in the transition to (realigned) development has often been to memorialize a disaster. Memorials can serve to support the healing process and help as a reminder of what can result from inappropriate development. Memorials are especially powerful when they gather together data and experiences – perhaps conflicting – of the event, its causes and consequences. There is great scope for disaster impacts to be reduced if development actors are invited to contribute to planning reconstruction and rehabilitation. The inclusion of UN-Habitat in planning reconstruction following the earthquake in Bam (Iran) in 2003 led to a policy of supporting residents in reconstructing their own homes, including the incorporation of improved seismic resistance in preference to the established procedure of placing residents in temporary shelters. 97 CONCLUDING REMARKS The components of urban risk policy outlined in this chapter are mutually reinforcing. Successful early warning relies upon risk assessment and strong local communities for information transfer and action. Risk assessment feeds directly into land-use planning decisions. These and the other activities outlined in this chapter offer opportunities to build back better when they are considered in reconstruction, as well as in preparedness for disaster. They are key pathways for meeting developmental activities with the humanitarian imperatives of relief and reconstruction and point towards mechanisms for urban disaster risk reduction. Local authorities are the most important actors in urban disaster risk reduction. Local authorities are the level of government closest to the ground and most directly answerable to those at risk. They occupy a strategic institutional position, mediating between competing interests in the city and beyond, and as a conduit of information and resources between communities and external actors. Their scope for action is, however, often severely limited by lack of finance, human skill shortages, an overburdening of responsibilities and political constraints. The most successful partnerships for risk reduction invariably include local authorities and communities, often also with civil society organizations involved. Such partnerships can combine the scale of action and resources of
Policy responses to disaster risk 217 government, on the one hand, with sensitivity for local diversity held by community-based organizations and the technical ability of NGOs, on the other. If urban governance systems are to take disaster risk reduction seriously, greater support for multi-stakeholder planning and project implementation is needed. Reforms in international financial organizations indicate greater support in the near future for building risk reduction into development planning and for a reconsideration of reconstruction financing in order to create real opportunities for progressive urban risk reduction. The following key challenges remain; but progress is being made: • Urban disaster continues to be predominantly managed in low- and middle-income countries by emergency response and reconstruction, rather than mitigation, preparedness and investing in disaster-resilient development. Changes in international funding regimes can help move the risk reduction agenda forward. • A lack of routine and rigorous collection of data on citywide vulnerability and loss contribute to the low policy status of risk reduction. • Where formal planning capacity is unlikely to meet demand in the foreseeable future, recent innovations in extending urban planning and building construction controls into the informal sector have met with some success and point the way forward in large and small cities alike. • Early warning continues to be dominated by technocentric approaches. Technology is a helpful, but partial, solution to early warning. Investment in piggybacking early warning systems onto existing social networks can be a cost-effective and sustainable way forward. • A lack of transparency in reconstruction can lead, for example, to economic investments being recycled into the international economy, thus missing an opportunity for enhancing local safety, security and long-term development through reconstruction. The rapidity with which reconstruction is undertaken should be more seriously weighed against the potential for more participatory approaches that offer downward accountability. NOTES 1 ISDR, 2004a. 2 For a discussion and examples of community capacity-building through hazard and vulnerability mapping, see ADPC (2004). 3 This list builds on ISDR, 2004a. 4 ISDR, 2004a. 5 See UNDP, 2004, and www.ldeo.columbia.edu/ chrr/research/hotspots/. 6 Seismic hazard maps aim to show the susceptibility of an area to damage from energy waves travelling through the ground caused by earthquakes. They vary in comprehensiveness, from those based on geological information alone to those that incorporate soil properties and building resistance. 7 In 1997, the Government of India produced a national Vulnerability Atlas, which has been instrumental in helping state and municipal authorities strengthen land-use and construction codes and mainstream disaster risk reduction into development planning. See www.bmtpc.org/ disaster.htm. 8 UK Environment Agency, www.environmentagency.gov.uk/maps/. 9 See www.scorecard.org/ index.tcl. 10 Munich Re, 2004. 11 McGregor et al, 2006. 12 Carreno et al, 2007. 13 See www.epa.gov/enviro. 14 See www.cmap.nypirg.org. 15 See www.hud.gov/emaps. 16 For a wealth of theoretical and practical experience on participatory approaches in general, see the International Institute for Environment and Development, Participatory Learning and Action Notes, accessed at www.iied.org/NR/agbioliv/ pla_notes/index.html. 17 See www.provention consortium.org/?pageid=39. 18 See www.provention consortium.org/files/tools_ CRA/ActionAid_PVA_guide. pdf. 19 See www.unisdr.org/eng/ hfa/hfa.htm. 20 For an updated collection of case studies and guidance notes on participatory methods, see www.?provention consortium.org/?pageid=43. 21 Pelling, forthcoming. 22 ADPC, 2005. 23 Peacock et al, 2005. 24 Greening et al, 1996. 25 Taipei Times, 2006. 26 Jeffrey, 2000. 27 Cross, 2001. 28 Enarson and Morrow, 1997. 29 See http://sspindia.org. 30 Wisner et al, 2004. 31 Asian Urban Disaster Mitigation Programme (undated). 32 See www.fourmilab.ch/ etexts/www/un/udhr.html. 33 Wisner, 2001. 34 See www.dfid.gov.uk/news/ files/disaster-risk-reductionfaqs.asp. 35 See www.unisdr.org/eng/hfa/ docs/HFA-brochure- English.pdf. 36 Pelling, 2003. 37 ActionAid, 2006. 38 Pelling, 2003. 39 ISDR, 2004a. 40 Hedley et al, 2002. 41 ISDR, 2005b. 42 ISDR, 2004a 43 These plans were also supported by the Swiss Development Cooperation Agency and the Nicaraguan Institute for Municipal Development and implemented in Dipilto, Mozonte, Ocotal, Ciudad Darío, San Isidro and Sébaco. See www.sosnicaragua.gob.ni. 44 UN-Habitat, 2006a. 45 UN-Habitat, 2006a. 46 See Chapter 12 for a more detailed discussion of challenges and good practice guidelines for re-housing. 47 Asian Urban Disaster Mitigation Programme, 2001. 48 See www.info-turk.be. 49 Pelling et al, 2002. 50 ISDR, 2004a. 51 See www.provention consortium.org/. 52 World Bank Independent Evaluation Group, 2006. 53 Around US$6000. 54 See www.eeri.org/. 55 See www.iaee.or.jp/. 56 See www.wssi.org/. 57 See Box 8.2 and www.geohaz.org/project/ gesi/GesiOver.htm. 58 See www-megacities. physik.uni-karlsruhe.de/. 59 ISDR, 2004a. 60 Ibid. 61 Sharma, 2001. 62 See www.unisdr.org/wcdr/ thematic-sessions/presentations/session4-8/buckle.pdf. 63 Robert et al, 2003. 64 Ibid. 65 See www.paho.org/english/ PED/publication_eng.htm. 66 See www.unisdr.org/wcdr/ thematic-sessions/ presentations/session 5-1/fsss-mr-wisner.pdf. 67 Known as the Hemispheric Action Plan for Vulnerability Reduction in the Education Sector to Socio-Natural Disasters (or EDUPLANhemisférico). 68 International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies, www.ifrc.org/Docs/pubs/ ?disasters/reduction/ canada-case-en.pdf. 69 ISDR, 2006a. 70 Ibid. 71 See Box 7.3. 72 See http://ioc.unesco.org/ iocweb/disaster Mitigation.php. 73 ISDR, 2004b. 74 ISDR, 2006b. 75 BBC News, 2003. 76 WMO, 2002. 77 For more detail on the Cuban risk reduction system, see Box 8.15. 78 Wisner et al, 2005. 79 For a full discussion of the institutional barriers to disaster risk reduction, see DFID, 2005. 80 ISDR, 2004a. 81 UNDP, 2003. 82 DFID, 2006. 83 Pelling et al, 2002. 84 See www.bisanet.org/bism/ 2004/getting_smart.html. 85 AIDMI, 2006. 86 Rawal et al, 2006. 87 Ibid; Christoplos, 2006; Oxfam International, 2005b. 88 Pelling, 2003. 89 Fordham, 2006. 90 Fordham, 2003. 91 Fordham, 2006. 92 Plan International, 2005. 93 World Bank, 2005. 94 Breteche and Steer, 2006. 95 Calvi-Parisetti and Kiniger- Passigli, 2002. 96 Billing, 2006. 97 DFID, 2005.
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ENHANCING URBAN SAFETY AND SECURITY
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First published by Earthscan in the
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INTRODUCTION Enhancing Urban Safety
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The preparation of
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46 Urban crime and violence Box II.
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5 CHAPTER SECURITY OF TENURE: CONDI
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116 Security of tenure Table 5.1 A
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122 Security of tenure Urban tenure
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124 Security of tenure At least 2 m
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126 Security of tenure Market-based
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128 Security of tenure Box 5.11 Urb
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130 Security of tenure Operation Mu
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332 Statistical annex NOMENCLATURE
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INDEX ACHR (Asian Coalition for Hou
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Index 435 security of tenure 134 co
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Index 437 domestic abuse see intima
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Index 441 Kosovo, security of tenur
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Index 443 participation 38, 296-299
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Index 445 individual 34-35 municipa
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Index 447 gun ownership 78 Homeless
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