Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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188 Natural and human-made disasters Urban land-use planning has not succeeded in separating people from sources of potential humanmade or natural hazard Arguably, the most important reason for unsafe construction is the failure to implement and enforce building codes. Failure to enforce regulation was the principal cause of high losses among poor and middle-class households in the 1999 Marmara earthquake in Turkey, 85 and in the collapse of multi-storey buildings in Spitak in the Armenian earthquake in 1988. 86 Even among public buildings and critical infrastructure such as schools, unsafe construction continues in the face of building codes. The 2005 Pakistan earthquake destroyed 4844 educational buildings, 18,000 children were killed by the collapse of school buildings and 300,000 children were still unable to attend school six months after the event. 87 The collapse of schools was presumed to have resulted from poor-quality construction and construction materials, a lack of monitoring in the building processes, and a general lack of awareness of seismic risk and appropriate standards. 88 Municipal authorities are normally charged with overseeing construction standards, but are prevented from fulfilling their duty for several reasons. Lack of resources and human skills are perhaps greatest for smaller cities, where land-use or development planning departments may be absent, and responsibilities for overseeing construction standards become added to those of the city engineer or Box 7.11 Poverty and flooding in Mumbai, India The 2005 monsoon brought disastrous flooding to Mumbai (India). Those worst affected were the most vulnerable – slum dwellers living in flood-prone locations and with little capacity to avoid or cope with flood impacts. Over half of Mumbai’s 12 million people live in slums. 89 Because the majority of these slums are located on hill slopes, low-lying areas, coastal locations and pavements along water mains and open drainage systems, they are the most prone to flooding during times of heavy rainfall and high tides. Typically, slum dwellers occupy land that is close to the streets or main transportation hubs, such as railways. These communities are constantly in danger from passing trains and are denied formalized access to water, sanitation and electricity because they build on land owned by the Indian Railways and other public or private companies. 90 Beyond this, encroachment onto this land is in conflict with the need to maintain transport and drainage networks. The survival strategies of Mumbai’s poorest populations directly affect the city’s ability to maintain disaster management infrastructure. By not addressing chronic housing and infrastructure problems, the entire city is exposed to flood hazard. A risk analysis was undertaken as part of Mumbai’s Disaster Management Plan (DMP) prior to the July 2005 floods. Subsequently, a mitigation strategy that focuses on public information systems, infrastructure and sanitation improvements, as well as land-use policies and planning, was developed. The strategy also includes a plan for coordination between public service providers, emergency personnel and disaster aid non-governmental organizations (NGOs). 91 Despite the DMP, the severity of the 2005 floods indicated just how much risk had accumulated over time in the city, built into the geography of its land use, the inadequacy of drainage, rapid urban expansion and tensions within the urban and state-level administrations, including competing interests of senior politicians who are also real estate developers and owners of commercial land. 92 The neglect of outdated zoning regulations and inflated land markets, in particular, contributed to the overall vulnerability of Mumbai and its inhabitants to flood risk. The experience of the slum dwellers of Mumbai and their vulnerability to flooding is rooted in the larger socio-economic processes of the city (and beyond); but failure to address this vulnerability threatens the sustainability of the city as a whole – as well as the poor majority. Source: Stecko and Barber, 2007 surveyor. In many cities, even these professionals may be absent and construction regulation is, in effect, nonexistent. Resource scarcity can be compounded by institutional cultures that allow corruption to distort regulation and enforcement. While lack of enforcement fails those who can afford to build safely, poverty and exclusion from the formal housing sector consign many, often the majority of urban residents, to living in unsafe dwellings. Unsafe building in slums is compounded by the burden of natural and humanmade hazards found in these communities. The result is a deadly cocktail of human vulnerability, unsafe dwellings and high hazard. It is not surprising, then, that the poor, especially those living in slums, bear the brunt of natural disaster losses. ■ Land-use planning Urban land-use planning has not succeeded in separating people from sources of potential human-made or natural hazard. In the UK, around 15 per cent of urban land, containing 1.85 million homes and 185,000 commercial properties, is built on land known to be at risk from flooding. Much of this land has been developed since the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act, which gave local authorities power to prevent floodplain development. 93 In this case, as in many others, pressure for local economic development has been given priority over flood risk management, with increasingly disastrous consequences demonstrated by widespread flooding in 1998 and 2000. In middle- and low-income countries experiencing rapid urbanization, the capacity of town planning departments to measure, let alone manage, the expansion of urban land use is seriously inhibited. This is a major cause for the accumulation of disaster risk in human settlements. The spread of informal and slum settlements has already been identified as an acute concern. These settlements, at best, are only weakly influenced by land-use planning policy, so that internal structure as well as adjoining land uses and characteristics combine to produce disaster risk. Not only are slum settlements located in risky places, but high density also limits access for emergency vehicles and can in itself be a cause of hazard – for example, in spreading house fires. Even in cities responsive to formal planning control, inappropriate policy can lead to increased risk. In many cities, widespread concretization and the infilling of natural drainage has increased flood hazard. In Bangkok, the conversion of drainage canals into streets now results in regular flooding. 94 In Georgetown, the capital of Guyana, uncontrolled expansion of the built environment, infilling of drainage canals and concretization has similarly increased the speed of runoff and reduced the water storage capacity and speed of natural drainage in the city, contributing to an increase in flooding. 95 Box 7.11 takes up this theme with regard to Mumbai and looks in some detail at the ways in which poverty has come together with poor planning decisions and hazard management to generate flood risk. Urban land-use planning is too often left outside of reconstruction planning. When reconstruction is undertaken
Disaster risk: Conditions, trends and impacts 189 in the same sites without risk reduction measures, losses recur. A great lesson was learned in Rio de Janeiro when local landslides caused 1000 deaths in 1966, after which houses were reconstructed at the original sites and 1700 people were killed the following year. 96 Relocating disaster survivors away from hazardous sites is also problematic. Social and economic networks are not easy to maintain after relocation, and the loss of these assets, combined with potentially higher transport costs to find work or education and health services, can put an additional strain on individuals and households, thus undermining resilience. International development policy and urban disaster risk Urban planning is influenced by national and international development frameworks and priorities. The Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) have had a great impact on prioritizing the international development agenda. The most urban focused goal, target 11 of MDG 7, demands that a significant improvement in the lives of at least 100 million slum dwellers is achieved by 2020. This is an important motor for pro-poor urban planning, and efforts to improve the lives of slum dwellers should take natural and humanmade disaster risk into account. There is scope here for indicators of urban vulnerability to disaster risk to contribute to a more holistic assessment of quality of life. Meeting other MDGs will also be hindered if disaster risk reduction is not made more prominent in urban planning. The great potential for disasters that hit urban areas to destroy critical infrastructure and set back development gains can undermine progress in meeting MDG 1, which calls for the halving, between 1990 and 2015, of the proportion of people whose income is less than US$1 per day. MDG 2 calls for governments to ensure that, by 2015, children everywhere, boys and girls alike, will be able to complete a full course of primary schooling. A great deal of investment has been made in building new primary schools; but only seldom are they designed to disaster-resistant standards. The result is that more children are placed at risk and development gains are liable to be lost. In the Pereira earthquake in Colombia in 1999, 74 per cent of the region’s schools were damaged. 97 Urban risk accumulation was accelerated by the debt crisis and subsequent structural adjustment programmes of the 1980s and 1990s that forced governments throughout Latin America, Asia and Africa to slash subsidies on food, electricity and transportation and to retrench public-sector workers. The impact of these policies was perhaps most visible in the food riots of sub-Saharan Africa, triggered by the removal of subsidies on the price of food. 98 Poor people responded to the economic downturn by putting more family members (especially women and school-age children) into the labour market and by pulling back from long-term investments in children’s education and in housing improvement, in this way reducing long-term resilience to disaster. In addition, the cumulative impact of inequality and privatization may have further removed poor people from accessing legal land markets, leading to the proliferation of informal settlements, often in cheap and hazardous locations. During the early 21st century, World Bank lending has been repackaged, with the stated aim of enabling greater country leadership through national poverty reduction strategies, initially proposed through national Poverty Reduction Strategy Papers (PRSPs). Yet, little work has examined the consequence of the PRSP framework for natural disaster reduction. One study found that few national plans mentioned disaster risk reduction beyond the need for early warning. With many municipal and city administrations having uncomfortable political relationships with national administrations, the extent to which PRSPs enable or constrain municipal government control over financial budgets and access to international support will have a profound impact on urban development and disaster risk reduction. This falls short of an integrated risk reduction approach. 99 Half of all post-disaster borrowing provided by the World Bank goes to housing reconstruction. A recent review of reconstruction financing argues that this practice exposes funds to capture by local and national elites, thus contributing to urban inequality and vulnerability in ways that other targets for reconstruction funds that would remain as public goods (such as critical infrastructure) might not. 100 Opportunities for disaster reconstruction funding to contribute to the building of urban resilience have too often been missed by urban, national and international agencies. Where national catastrophe funds are not available, funds earmarked for development works are vulnerable to being diverted to finance reconstruction. This is a principal pathway for the indirect systemic impacts of disaster. International finance has similarly contributed in the past to the perpetuation of cycles of urban poverty, environmental degradation and disaster through disaster reconstruction loan agreements that have increased indebtedness, reducing options for future economic growth or anti-poverty policy. 101 COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF GLOBAL TRENDS This section provides a comparative analysis of urban disaster incidence and impact for each world region: Africa, the Americas, Asia, Europe and Oceania. This scale of analysis covers great diversity at the national and sub-national levels, but is useful in flagging the major natural and human-made disasters affecting human settlements and the barriers to disaster prevention and mitigation specific to each region. Africa Flooding is the most frequent natural disaster type in Africa and results in the highest mortality (see Table 7.9). Earthquakes, floods and storms cause the greatest economic loss and drought affects the most people. Food insecurity resulting from drought can affect urban societies indirectly through food price fluctuation and the in-migration of refugees. Economic loss to disasters is low for Africa, …efforts to improve the lives of slum dwellers should take natural and humanmade disaster risk into account Meeting … MDGs will … be hindered if disaster risk reduction is not made more prominent in urban planning
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ENHANCING URBAN SAFETY AND SECURITY
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First published by Earthscan in the
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INTRODUCTION Enhancing Urban Safety
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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS The preparation of
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x Enhancing Urban Safety and Securi
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xii Enhancing Urban Safety and Secu
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xvi Enhancing Urban Safety and Secu
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xviii Enhancing Urban Safety and Se
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LIST OF FIGURES, BOXES AND TABLES F
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4 Understanding Urban Safety and Se
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1 CHAPTER CURRENT THREATS TO URBAN
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Current threats to urban safety and
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2 CHAPTER VULNERABILITY, RISK AND R
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Vulnerability, risk and resilience:
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29 simply ‘give up’ in the face
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46 Urban crime and violence Box II.
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48 Urban crime and violence it has
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50 Urban crime and violence Formal
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52 Urban crime and violence Contact
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54 Urban crime and violence Per 100
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56 Urban crime and violence Burglar
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58 Urban crime and violence Percent
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60 Urban crime and violence Figure
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62 Urban crime and violence Table 3
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64 Urban crime and violence Youth g
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68 Urban crime and violence Type of
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70 Urban crime and violence From a
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72 Urban crime and violence One vio
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74 Urban crime and violence High ho
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76 Urban crime and violence Abused
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78 Urban crime and violence General
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82 Urban crime and violence porate
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4 CHAPTER URBAN CRIME AND VIOLENCE:
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86 Urban crime and violence UN-Habi
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88 Urban crime and violence Box 4.2
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90 Urban crime and violence Box 4.4
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92 Urban crime and violence Legisla
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94 Urban crime and violence above w
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96 Urban crime and violence Campaig
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98 Urban crime and violence Availab
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100 Urban crime and violence Box 4.
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102 Urban crime and violence In som
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104 Urban crime and violence Initia
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112 Security of tenure Box III.1 Se
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5 CHAPTER SECURITY OF TENURE: CONDI
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116 Security of tenure Table 5.1 A
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118 Security of tenure Fully legal
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120 Security of tenure Box 5.4 Secu
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122 Security of tenure Urban tenure
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124 Security of tenure At least 2 m
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126 Security of tenure Market-based
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128 Security of tenure Box 5.11 Urb
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130 Security of tenure Operation Mu
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132 Security of tenure Control of l
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134 Security of tenure Box 5.18 Sec
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136 Security of tenure NOTES 1 Habi
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238 Towards safer and more secure c
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11 CHAPTER ENHANCING TENURE SECURIT
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276 Enhancing Urban Safety and Secu
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12 CHAPTER MITIGATING THE IMPACTS O
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304 Summary of case studies Since i
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306 Summary of case studies • The
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308 Summary of case studies tions w
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310 Summary of case studies environ
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312 Summary of case studies others.
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316 Summary of case studies These e
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318 Summary of case studies develop
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320 Summary of case studies tion ex
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322 Summary of case studies Housing
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324 Summary of case studies Prolong
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326 Summary of case studies momentu
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330 Statistical annex Islands, Micr
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332 Statistical annex NOMENCLATURE
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334 Statistical annex Population, u
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336 Statistical annex SOURCES OF DA
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410 TABLE C.7 continued Enhancing U
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INDEX ACHR (Asian Coalition for Hou
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Index 435 security of tenure 134 co
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Index 437 domestic abuse see intima
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Index 439 hazard management 169 haz
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Index 441 Kosovo, security of tenur
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Index 443 participation 38, 296-299
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Index 445 individual 34-35 municipa
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Index 447 gun ownership 78 Homeless
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