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Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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Urban crime and violence: C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s and trends<br />

59<br />

Corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />

Although it comes in many forms, corrupti<strong>on</strong> is generally<br />

classified as a crime against public order. There is no universally<br />

accepted definiti<strong>on</strong> of corrupti<strong>on</strong>; but it has been<br />

summarized as the abuse of public power for pers<strong>on</strong>al<br />

gain. 67 It c<strong>on</strong>stitutes a growing threat to human security and<br />

plays a significant role in urban development, planning,<br />

management, and programme design and policy. Corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />

may be found at the ‘grand scale’, penetrating the highest<br />

policy-making organs of government, or it may be seen at<br />

‘petty’ or street-scale levels, which involve day-to-day public<br />

and social transacti<strong>on</strong>s. It often involves soliciting, giving or<br />

taking bribes and is sometimes categorized by levels of ‘infiltrati<strong>on</strong>’<br />

within the public sector. While grand corrupti<strong>on</strong> has<br />

the broadest impacts <strong>on</strong> societies, corrupti<strong>on</strong> in any form<br />

helps to destroy public c<strong>on</strong>fidence in the fairness of government,<br />

the rule of law and ec<strong>on</strong>omic stability. 68 There are<br />

several measures of corrupti<strong>on</strong>. Am<strong>on</strong>g the most widely used<br />

are the Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index (CPI) and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />

Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer (GCB), both developed by<br />

Transparency Internati<strong>on</strong>al. Each is discussed briefly below.<br />

■ The Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index (CPI)<br />

The Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index calculates a score <strong>on</strong> the<br />

perceived levels of corrupti<strong>on</strong> in a given country, based <strong>on</strong><br />

the resp<strong>on</strong>ses of business people and analysts around the<br />

world, including local experts resident in the country being<br />

evaluated. The CPI has a range of between 10 (highly clean)<br />

and 0 (highly corrupt). A higher score means less perceived<br />

corrupti<strong>on</strong>. The map in Figure 3.13 shows the ranking for<br />

158 countries. It indicates that the top ten ranked countries<br />

(least corrupt countries) are wealthy European and Oceanic<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>s, headed by Iceland. The bottom ten ranked countries<br />

c<strong>on</strong>sist largely of poor and developing nati<strong>on</strong>s of Eastern<br />

Europe, Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, with Bangladesh and<br />

Chad being the lowest ranked. 71<br />

■ The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer (GCB)<br />

The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer provides an indicati<strong>on</strong> of<br />

the extent and nature of corrupti<strong>on</strong> from the perspective of<br />

ordinary people or the general public around the world.<br />

Findings from the 2005 GCB based <strong>on</strong> a survey of 54,260<br />

people in 69 countries noted that political parties, parliaments,<br />

the police and the judicial system were the most<br />

corrupt. 70 Figure 3.14 illustrates the distributi<strong>on</strong> of<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>ses am<strong>on</strong>g sectors in this regard. Religious bodies,<br />

n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organizati<strong>on</strong>s (NGOs) and registry and<br />

permit services are c<strong>on</strong>sidered the least corrupt sectors.<br />

Although the resp<strong>on</strong>ses vary by regi<strong>on</strong>, 62 per cent of<br />

the countries surveyed reported that political parties were<br />

the most corrupt sector. This trend has increased since<br />

2004, when 58 per cent of nati<strong>on</strong>s saw political parties as<br />

the most corrupt. As Table 3.2 indicates, when c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />

<strong>on</strong> a regi<strong>on</strong>al basis, Asian, Western European and Latin<br />

American citizens saw their political parties as the most<br />

corrupt, while African resp<strong>on</strong>dents judged their police to be<br />

the sector most corrupt. In Central and Eastern Europe,<br />

political parties and the police tied for first place as the most<br />

corrupt sectors.<br />

Box 3.1 Violence against women in South Africa<br />

South Africa has <strong>on</strong>e of the highest incidences of violence against women (and children) in the<br />

world. United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Office <strong>on</strong> Drugs and Crime (UNODC) data <strong>on</strong> crimes reported by the<br />

police indicate that 123.84 rapes per 100,000 individuals were committed in 2000. This is <strong>on</strong>e of<br />

the saddest and most alarming manifestati<strong>on</strong>s of violence in a society generally regarded as<br />

traumatized and wracked by violent crime and (very often) violent interpers<strong>on</strong>al and public<br />

behaviour. Although the causes of the high levels of violence in South African society are<br />

manifold and complex, they broadly relate to the country’s violent history of col<strong>on</strong>ialism and<br />

apartheid. One can also safely assume that the high levels of poverty and unemployment in the<br />

country and the resultant ec<strong>on</strong>omic hardships and frustrati<strong>on</strong>s add to the already volatile social<br />

and political atmosphere. In additi<strong>on</strong>, patriarchal attitudes, which we share with other societies,<br />

make it particularly difficult for women to attain ec<strong>on</strong>omic independence. As a result, many<br />

women are unable to permanently leave their abusive partners, thus failing to protect<br />

themselves and their children from physical, sexual, emoti<strong>on</strong>al, ec<strong>on</strong>omic and other forms of<br />

abuse.<br />

Source: Zambuko and Edwards, <strong>2007</strong><br />

Petty corrupti<strong>on</strong> in the way of bribery is widespread,<br />

but affects poorer countries more significantly than richer<br />

<strong>on</strong>es, with some families in Camero<strong>on</strong>, Ghana and Nigeria<br />

reporting that they spend at least the equivalent of 20 per<br />

cent of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita <strong>on</strong> bribery<br />

‘taxes’. Of special significance to urban dwellers are the<br />

bribes paid for services that they would normally be entitled<br />

to receive since they tend to be larger recipients of services<br />

than rural residents. Figure 3.15 shows the variati<strong>on</strong> in<br />

service bribery am<strong>on</strong>g surveyed nati<strong>on</strong>s. Former socialist<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>s such as Lithuania, Romania, Russia and Ukraine tend<br />

to top the lists.<br />

Corrupti<strong>on</strong> is closely linked with organized crime.<br />

Indeed, the two have been characterized as ‘two sides of the<br />

same coin’. 71 Research <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s between corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />

and organized crime suggests that socio-ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

factors such as poverty, unemployment, societal wealth,<br />

income inequality, the pattern of public investment that<br />

benefits citizens’ quality of life, levels of judicial independence,<br />

independence of civil servants, and the strength of<br />

Box 3.2 Street families and street children in Nairobi<br />

Petty corrupti<strong>on</strong> in<br />

the way of bribery is<br />

widespread, but<br />

affects poorer<br />

countries more<br />

significantly than<br />

richer <strong>on</strong>es<br />

One of the major challenges facing urban development in Kenya is the growing number of street<br />

families. It is estimated there were approximately 115 street children in 1975. By 1990 this<br />

number had grown to 17,000 and by 1997 over 150,000. 72 In 2001, the number was estimated<br />

to be 250,000 street children countrywide. 73 With older street dwellers included, the total<br />

populati<strong>on</strong> of street pers<strong>on</strong>s was estimated at approximately 300,000. The bulk of such street<br />

dwellers are found in Nairobi, which at present has approximately 60,000 street pers<strong>on</strong>s. Street<br />

families live permanently or part time in the central business district area streets, b<strong>on</strong>ded by a<br />

comm<strong>on</strong> identity and involved in organized street survival activities within given operati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

‘territories’. These families operate in envir<strong>on</strong>ments that lack protecti<strong>on</strong> and supervisi<strong>on</strong><br />

mechanisms available in normal social settings.<br />

The survival activities include begging, albeit forcefully, pick pocketing and stealing, child<br />

prostituti<strong>on</strong>, and the use and trafficking of drugs. C<strong>on</strong>sequently, the public generally perceives<br />

street pers<strong>on</strong>s as criminals, thieves, drug addicts and eyesores that should be removed from the<br />

streets. Citizens feel that most ills are the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility of criminals who were previously street<br />

children. The public has no mechanisms to resp<strong>on</strong>d to the manifestati<strong>on</strong>s and causes of crime<br />

by street children – hence, their fear and over-generalizati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Source: Masese, <strong>2007</strong>

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