Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS
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Urban crime and violence: C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s and trends<br />
59<br />
Corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />
Although it comes in many forms, corrupti<strong>on</strong> is generally<br />
classified as a crime against public order. There is no universally<br />
accepted definiti<strong>on</strong> of corrupti<strong>on</strong>; but it has been<br />
summarized as the abuse of public power for pers<strong>on</strong>al<br />
gain. 67 It c<strong>on</strong>stitutes a growing threat to human security and<br />
plays a significant role in urban development, planning,<br />
management, and programme design and policy. Corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />
may be found at the ‘grand scale’, penetrating the highest<br />
policy-making organs of government, or it may be seen at<br />
‘petty’ or street-scale levels, which involve day-to-day public<br />
and social transacti<strong>on</strong>s. It often involves soliciting, giving or<br />
taking bribes and is sometimes categorized by levels of ‘infiltrati<strong>on</strong>’<br />
within the public sector. While grand corrupti<strong>on</strong> has<br />
the broadest impacts <strong>on</strong> societies, corrupti<strong>on</strong> in any form<br />
helps to destroy public c<strong>on</strong>fidence in the fairness of government,<br />
the rule of law and ec<strong>on</strong>omic stability. 68 There are<br />
several measures of corrupti<strong>on</strong>. Am<strong>on</strong>g the most widely used<br />
are the Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index (CPI) and the <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g><br />
Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer (GCB), both developed by<br />
Transparency Internati<strong>on</strong>al. Each is discussed briefly below.<br />
■ The Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index (CPI)<br />
The Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Percepti<strong>on</strong>s Index calculates a score <strong>on</strong> the<br />
perceived levels of corrupti<strong>on</strong> in a given country, based <strong>on</strong><br />
the resp<strong>on</strong>ses of business people and analysts around the<br />
world, including local experts resident in the country being<br />
evaluated. The CPI has a range of between 10 (highly clean)<br />
and 0 (highly corrupt). A higher score means less perceived<br />
corrupti<strong>on</strong>. The map in Figure 3.13 shows the ranking for<br />
158 countries. It indicates that the top ten ranked countries<br />
(least corrupt countries) are wealthy European and Oceanic<br />
nati<strong>on</strong>s, headed by Iceland. The bottom ten ranked countries<br />
c<strong>on</strong>sist largely of poor and developing nati<strong>on</strong>s of Eastern<br />
Europe, Asia, Africa and the Caribbean, with Bangladesh and<br />
Chad being the lowest ranked. 71<br />
■ The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer (GCB)<br />
The <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> Corrupti<strong>on</strong> Barometer provides an indicati<strong>on</strong> of<br />
the extent and nature of corrupti<strong>on</strong> from the perspective of<br />
ordinary people or the general public around the world.<br />
Findings from the 2005 GCB based <strong>on</strong> a survey of 54,260<br />
people in 69 countries noted that political parties, parliaments,<br />
the police and the judicial system were the most<br />
corrupt. 70 Figure 3.14 illustrates the distributi<strong>on</strong> of<br />
resp<strong>on</strong>ses am<strong>on</strong>g sectors in this regard. Religious bodies,<br />
n<strong>on</strong>-governmental organizati<strong>on</strong>s (NGOs) and registry and<br />
permit services are c<strong>on</strong>sidered the least corrupt sectors.<br />
Although the resp<strong>on</strong>ses vary by regi<strong>on</strong>, 62 per cent of<br />
the countries surveyed reported that political parties were<br />
the most corrupt sector. This trend has increased since<br />
2004, when 58 per cent of nati<strong>on</strong>s saw political parties as<br />
the most corrupt. As Table 3.2 indicates, when c<strong>on</strong>sidered<br />
<strong>on</strong> a regi<strong>on</strong>al basis, Asian, Western European and Latin<br />
American citizens saw their political parties as the most<br />
corrupt, while African resp<strong>on</strong>dents judged their police to be<br />
the sector most corrupt. In Central and Eastern Europe,<br />
political parties and the police tied for first place as the most<br />
corrupt sectors.<br />
Box 3.1 Violence against women in South Africa<br />
South Africa has <strong>on</strong>e of the highest incidences of violence against women (and children) in the<br />
world. United Nati<strong>on</strong>s Office <strong>on</strong> Drugs and Crime (UNODC) data <strong>on</strong> crimes reported by the<br />
police indicate that 123.84 rapes per 100,000 individuals were committed in 2000. This is <strong>on</strong>e of<br />
the saddest and most alarming manifestati<strong>on</strong>s of violence in a society generally regarded as<br />
traumatized and wracked by violent crime and (very often) violent interpers<strong>on</strong>al and public<br />
behaviour. Although the causes of the high levels of violence in South African society are<br />
manifold and complex, they broadly relate to the country’s violent history of col<strong>on</strong>ialism and<br />
apartheid. One can also safely assume that the high levels of poverty and unemployment in the<br />
country and the resultant ec<strong>on</strong>omic hardships and frustrati<strong>on</strong>s add to the already volatile social<br />
and political atmosphere. In additi<strong>on</strong>, patriarchal attitudes, which we share with other societies,<br />
make it particularly difficult for women to attain ec<strong>on</strong>omic independence. As a result, many<br />
women are unable to permanently leave their abusive partners, thus failing to protect<br />
themselves and their children from physical, sexual, emoti<strong>on</strong>al, ec<strong>on</strong>omic and other forms of<br />
abuse.<br />
Source: Zambuko and Edwards, <strong>2007</strong><br />
Petty corrupti<strong>on</strong> in the way of bribery is widespread,<br />
but affects poorer countries more significantly than richer<br />
<strong>on</strong>es, with some families in Camero<strong>on</strong>, Ghana and Nigeria<br />
reporting that they spend at least the equivalent of 20 per<br />
cent of gross domestic product (GDP) per capita <strong>on</strong> bribery<br />
‘taxes’. Of special significance to urban dwellers are the<br />
bribes paid for services that they would normally be entitled<br />
to receive since they tend to be larger recipients of services<br />
than rural residents. Figure 3.15 shows the variati<strong>on</strong> in<br />
service bribery am<strong>on</strong>g surveyed nati<strong>on</strong>s. Former socialist<br />
nati<strong>on</strong>s such as Lithuania, Romania, Russia and Ukraine tend<br />
to top the lists.<br />
Corrupti<strong>on</strong> is closely linked with organized crime.<br />
Indeed, the two have been characterized as ‘two sides of the<br />
same coin’. 71 Research <strong>on</strong> the c<strong>on</strong>necti<strong>on</strong>s between corrupti<strong>on</strong><br />
and organized crime suggests that socio-ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />
factors such as poverty, unemployment, societal wealth,<br />
income inequality, the pattern of public investment that<br />
benefits citizens’ quality of life, levels of judicial independence,<br />
independence of civil servants, and the strength of<br />
Box 3.2 Street families and street children in Nairobi<br />
Petty corrupti<strong>on</strong> in<br />
the way of bribery is<br />
widespread, but<br />
affects poorer<br />
countries more<br />
significantly than<br />
richer <strong>on</strong>es<br />
One of the major challenges facing urban development in Kenya is the growing number of street<br />
families. It is estimated there were approximately 115 street children in 1975. By 1990 this<br />
number had grown to 17,000 and by 1997 over 150,000. 72 In 2001, the number was estimated<br />
to be 250,000 street children countrywide. 73 With older street dwellers included, the total<br />
populati<strong>on</strong> of street pers<strong>on</strong>s was estimated at approximately 300,000. The bulk of such street<br />
dwellers are found in Nairobi, which at present has approximately 60,000 street pers<strong>on</strong>s. Street<br />
families live permanently or part time in the central business district area streets, b<strong>on</strong>ded by a<br />
comm<strong>on</strong> identity and involved in organized street survival activities within given operati<strong>on</strong>al<br />
‘territories’. These families operate in envir<strong>on</strong>ments that lack protecti<strong>on</strong> and supervisi<strong>on</strong><br />
mechanisms available in normal social settings.<br />
The survival activities include begging, albeit forcefully, pick pocketing and stealing, child<br />
prostituti<strong>on</strong>, and the use and trafficking of drugs. C<strong>on</strong>sequently, the public generally perceives<br />
street pers<strong>on</strong>s as criminals, thieves, drug addicts and eyesores that should be removed from the<br />
streets. Citizens feel that most ills are the resp<strong>on</strong>sibility of criminals who were previously street<br />
children. The public has no mechanisms to resp<strong>on</strong>d to the manifestati<strong>on</strong>s and causes of crime<br />
by street children – hence, their fear and over-generalizati<strong>on</strong>s.<br />
Source: Masese, <strong>2007</strong>