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Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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Urban crime and violence: C<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s and trends<br />

73<br />

are rarely gun purchasers, owners or users. The Internati<strong>on</strong>al<br />

Acti<strong>on</strong> Network <strong>on</strong> Small Arms estimates that, globally,<br />

30,000 women and girls are murdered by small arms each<br />

year, while milli<strong>on</strong>s of others are injured by guns and<br />

sexually abused at gun point. 188 Even if they are not directly<br />

victims, women become indirectly victimized when male<br />

relatives who are ec<strong>on</strong>omic providers are murdered. This<br />

undermines families, and the effects ripple throughout<br />

communities and, ultimately, through states and globally.<br />

When viewed in psychological and ec<strong>on</strong>omic terms, the<br />

direct and indirect impacts <strong>on</strong> children are incalculable, with<br />

many killed, injured or left ec<strong>on</strong>omically adrift. Thus, it is<br />

worth restating that a single incident can have an enormous<br />

multiplier effect. 189<br />

Ec<strong>on</strong>omic studies suggest that domestic violence has<br />

negative impacts <strong>on</strong> productivity at broad scales. A study<br />

calculating the costs of domestic violence in terms of lost<br />

productive capacity for women found that the extrapolated<br />

total costs were US$1.73 billi<strong>on</strong> in Chile (1 per cent of GDP<br />

in 1997) and US$32.7 milli<strong>on</strong> in Nicaragua (1.4 per cent of<br />

GDP in 1997). 190 In subsequent research, the direct medical<br />

costs plus lost productivity were calculated at being equivalent<br />

to 2 per cent of GDP in Chile and 1.6 per cent of GDP in<br />

Nicaragua. 191 As might be expected, the costs of IPV are<br />

c<strong>on</strong>siderably higher in low- to moderate-income nati<strong>on</strong>s than<br />

in high-income countries. Unlike wealthy nati<strong>on</strong>s where<br />

costs of violence can be absorbed by resilient social and<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic structures, in low- to moderate-income nati<strong>on</strong>s,<br />

the costs of violence are likely to be absorbed through direct<br />

public expenditures and negative effects <strong>on</strong> investments and<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic growth.<br />

Impacts of the fear of crime<br />

Increased fear of crime of all types, but particularly violent<br />

crimes such as murder, has a major impact and can be even<br />

more paralysing and costly than actual criminal events. For<br />

instance, a World Bank study in Zambia found that fear of<br />

crime in <strong>on</strong>e poverty-stricken community was preventing<br />

teachers from showing up at work. 192 Similarly, a study of<br />

the ‘timing’ of work c<strong>on</strong>cluded that higher homicide rates<br />

reduced the propensity of people willing to work evenings<br />

and nights in large American metropolitan areas. 193 In South<br />

Africa, about 24 per cent of resp<strong>on</strong>dents to a nati<strong>on</strong>al crime<br />

survey reported that fear of crime stopped them from using<br />

public transportati<strong>on</strong> systems, with more than 25 per cent<br />

indicating that they were reluctant to allow their children to<br />

walk to school, while more than 30 per cent stopped using<br />

public parks. 194<br />

Although not easily quantified, these decisi<strong>on</strong>s translate<br />

into social quality of life and ec<strong>on</strong>omic costs to<br />

individuals in terms of lost opportunities and added day-today<br />

expenditures for transportati<strong>on</strong> and educati<strong>on</strong>al and<br />

urban services. Other ‘hidden’ costs of the fear of crime<br />

affecting the quality of urban life play out in the choices that<br />

individuals make in seemingly mundane decisi<strong>on</strong>s, such as<br />

deciding whether to walk somewhere at night, or in more<br />

fundamental ways, such as choosing where to live. In<br />

Nairobi, survey data reveals that more than half of the<br />

Box 3.4 Serial murder in a New Delhi slum<br />

The vulnerability of the poor is illustrated by a recent case in New Delhi (India), where an<br />

alleged serial murderer is reputed to have killed and dismembered as many as 17 women and<br />

children and disposed of their body parts in a sewer drain behind his home. The victims were<br />

all impoverished and the alleged killer is a wealthy businessman living in an upscale suburb.<br />

Police reportedly discounted reports by relatives about their missing family members until a<br />

public outcry was raised after some of the bodies were discovered behind the reputed<br />

murderer’s home. One resident, who came from a nearby slum, came looking for her 16-yearold<br />

s<strong>on</strong>, who had been missing for four m<strong>on</strong>ths, and said:‘When I told the police he had<br />

disappeared, they told me to look for myself. Things would have been different if I’d been rich.<br />

Then I could have bribed them to make them investigate.’<br />

Source: Gentleman, <strong>2007</strong><br />

citizens worry about crime all the time or very often. 195 In a<br />

nati<strong>on</strong>al survey c<strong>on</strong>ducted in South Africa, 26 per cent of<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>dents stated that c<strong>on</strong>cerns about crime prevented<br />

them from starting their own business. Such psychological<br />

impacts obviously affect individuals, but also drain resources<br />

from social service and healthcare systems.<br />

The impacts of these decisi<strong>on</strong>s do not fully take into<br />

account the social and ec<strong>on</strong>omic costs of lost work productivity,<br />

access to markets, urban sprawl (especially in<br />

developed nati<strong>on</strong>s) or losses incurred from misused public<br />

infrastructure, all by-products of work timing and travel<br />

decisi<strong>on</strong>-making. These costs are compounded in developing<br />

and transiti<strong>on</strong>al nati<strong>on</strong>s, where crime and violence can have<br />

disastrous effects <strong>on</strong> victims who are unable to access effective<br />

criminal justice or insurance systems that are widely<br />

available in industrialized countries. Both systems provide<br />

measures of indemnificati<strong>on</strong> against crime and violence that,<br />

in pers<strong>on</strong>al and financial terms, are crucial comp<strong>on</strong>ents of<br />

human resilience or the ability of people to successfully<br />

adapt to elemental life disrupti<strong>on</strong>s.<br />

Nati<strong>on</strong>al impacts of crime and violence<br />

At nati<strong>on</strong>al levels, high homicide and violent crime rates<br />

have multiple impacts. Some of these may be illustrated by<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic and healthcare indicators. The former is dem<strong>on</strong>strated<br />

in Kingst<strong>on</strong> (Jamaica), where rising urban homicide<br />

rates have been cited as a factor affecting nati<strong>on</strong>al tourism,<br />

with negative ec<strong>on</strong>omic c<strong>on</strong>sequences at every level of<br />

society. The World Bank has identified the impact of crime<br />

<strong>on</strong> business as <strong>on</strong>e of the major reas<strong>on</strong>s for Jamaica’s weak<br />

ec<strong>on</strong>omic development. 196 The upsurge in violence and<br />

insecurity that characterized Kenya during the 1990s<br />

resulted in the reducti<strong>on</strong> of both the influx of tourists and<br />

the c<strong>on</strong>tributi<strong>on</strong> of tourism to foreign exchange earnings. 197<br />

A similar phenomen<strong>on</strong> is noted in Papua New Guinea, where<br />

violent crime, particularly in some suburbs of Port Moresby,<br />

discourages tourists from exploring the country. 198 Urban<br />

crime in Papua New Guinea is seen as the most important of<br />

all business costs. 199 Much of the brain drain in Latin<br />

American and Caribbean nati<strong>on</strong>s has been attributed to fear<br />

of crime and insecurity, compounded by the lack of effective<br />

resp<strong>on</strong>ses from state or civil society. 200 Countries such as<br />

the Dominican Republic, El Salvador, Guatemala, Guyana,<br />

Increased fear of<br />

crime of all types,<br />

but particularly<br />

violent crimes such<br />

as murder, has a<br />

major impact and<br />

can be even more<br />

paralysing and costly<br />

than actual criminal<br />

events

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