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Global Report on Human Settlements 2007 - PoA-ISS

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10<br />

Understanding Urban Safety and Security<br />

The poor are<br />

disproporti<strong>on</strong>ately<br />

victimized by the<br />

three threats to<br />

safety and security<br />

examined in this<br />

volume<br />

Slums are … the<br />

locus of the greatest<br />

deprivati<strong>on</strong> in<br />

material welfare in<br />

societies … and also<br />

lack the instituti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

and legal framework<br />

to guarantee<br />

their safety and<br />

security<br />

<str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> statistical<br />

evidence shows<br />

str<strong>on</strong>g correlati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

between level of<br />

development and<br />

the degree of urban<br />

security, as<br />

measured by the<br />

incidence of disaster<br />

and crime and<br />

violence<br />

This observati<strong>on</strong>, however, must be tempered by the<br />

reality of growing numbers of urban residents living in<br />

poverty, lacking basic infrastructure and services, housing<br />

and employment, and living in c<strong>on</strong>diti<strong>on</strong>s lacking safety and<br />

security. As Chapters 3, 5 and 7 of this <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Report</str<strong>on</strong>g> will<br />

illustrate in detail, the poor are disproporti<strong>on</strong>ately victimized<br />

by the three threats to safety and security examined in this<br />

volume: crime and violence, insecurity of tenure, and natural<br />

and human-made disasters. This unequal distributi<strong>on</strong> of risk<br />

and vulnerability is a major burden for the poor as a whole. It<br />

also has a disproporti<strong>on</strong>ate impact <strong>on</strong> groups least able to<br />

defend themselves: women, children, the elderly and the<br />

disabled.<br />

This distributi<strong>on</strong> of risk and vulnerability is an important<br />

and growing comp<strong>on</strong>ent of daily urban life. It is often<br />

linked to the presence of milli<strong>on</strong>s of urban residents in<br />

slums, which are envir<strong>on</strong>ments in which much crime and<br />

violence occur, where tenure is least secure, and which are<br />

pr<strong>on</strong>e to disasters of many kinds. The safety of men, women<br />

and children is at risk every day from crime and traffic<br />

accidents, violent crime, threats to security of tenure, and<br />

natural and human-made hazards. As discussed in Chapter 7,<br />

this spatial dimensi<strong>on</strong> is reflected in the term ‘geography of<br />

disaster risk’ for which there is extensive data showing what<br />

kinds of disasters are occurring in cities in specific regi<strong>on</strong>s of<br />

the world, as presented in Chapter 7.<br />

A particularly noteworthy type of challenge to urban<br />

safety is the widespread and growing incidence of traffic<br />

accidents and related deaths. An estimated 1.2 milli<strong>on</strong><br />

people are killed in road traffic accidents each year, and up<br />

to 50 milli<strong>on</strong> are injured, occupying between 30 and 70 per<br />

cent of orthopaedic hospital beds in developing countries. 11<br />

One study of Latin America and the Caribbean c<strong>on</strong>cluded<br />

that at least 100,000 pers<strong>on</strong>s are killed in traffic accidents<br />

and 1.2 milli<strong>on</strong> are injured each year in that regi<strong>on</strong>, with<br />

costs measured in lost productivity, hospital bills and other<br />

factors estimated at US$30 billi<strong>on</strong>. 12<br />

Later chapters will present and explain the central<br />

significance of slums in this nexus of daily urban risk and<br />

vulnerability; but recognizing how the characteristics of<br />

slums directly c<strong>on</strong>tribute to this nexus is needed to set the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>text for this report. Slums are at <strong>on</strong>ce the locus of the<br />

greatest deprivati<strong>on</strong> in material welfare in societies, the<br />

weakest human capital in terms of investment in health and<br />

educati<strong>on</strong>, and also lack the instituti<strong>on</strong>al and legal framework<br />

to guarantee their safety and security. These forms of<br />

deprivati<strong>on</strong> are cumulative and interact with <strong>on</strong>e another.<br />

The poorest in most urban areas live in slums lacking both<br />

the safeguards for protecti<strong>on</strong> from private acti<strong>on</strong>s and unjust<br />

public policies. Insecurity of tenure – which affects large<br />

numbers of poor slum dwellers – itself weakens the possibility<br />

of establishing communities, community instituti<strong>on</strong>s and<br />

cultural norms to govern and regulate behaviour. The slums<br />

represent <strong>on</strong>e part of what has been termed ‘the geography<br />

of misery’. 13<br />

One important dimensi<strong>on</strong> of this c<strong>on</strong>text is the fact<br />

that human life in cities is itself precarious in the absence of<br />

basic services such as housing, water supply and sanitati<strong>on</strong>,<br />

as well as food. Comm<strong>on</strong> waterborne diseases such as<br />

cholera or vector-borne diseases such as malaria can quickly<br />

reach epidemic proporti<strong>on</strong>s in dense underserved urban<br />

areas and in the absence of medical prophylaxis. The probabilities<br />

of death from health threats such as these c<strong>on</strong>stitute<br />

the greatest challenges to the security of individuals,<br />

especially in urban slums. These health threats to urban<br />

safety and security are not discussed in this report; but, as<br />

menti<strong>on</strong>ed earlier, they are part of the chr<strong>on</strong>ic vulnerabilities<br />

that c<strong>on</strong>stitute an important dimensi<strong>on</strong> of urban poverty.<br />

Lack of basic services, however, is not simply a microlevel<br />

issue affecting individuals, households and<br />

communities. It also extends to cities and nati<strong>on</strong>s as a whole<br />

and represents significant macro-ec<strong>on</strong>omic costs in many<br />

societies. This <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> <str<strong>on</strong>g>Report</str<strong>on</strong>g> will present data dem<strong>on</strong>strating<br />

that urban insecurity is a major obstacle to macro-ec<strong>on</strong>omic<br />

growth in some countries and deserves policy attenti<strong>on</strong> at<br />

the highest levels of government. As shown in Chapter 7,<br />

the importance of urban insecurity has already been recognised<br />

by the global insurance industry by assigning specific<br />

cities around the world to risk categories. <str<strong>on</strong>g>Global</str<strong>on</strong>g> statistical<br />

evidence shows str<strong>on</strong>g correlati<strong>on</strong>s between level of development<br />

and the degree of urban security, as measured by the<br />

incidence of disaster and crime and violence. 14 GDP growth<br />

rates, for example, correlate negatively with homicide rates,<br />

although this is often offset by income inequality. But, as<br />

shown in Chapter 3, this correlati<strong>on</strong> is reversed for property<br />

crime, dem<strong>on</strong>strating other causal mechanisms.<br />

An additi<strong>on</strong>al urban dimensi<strong>on</strong> of this c<strong>on</strong>text is how<br />

the scale and density of cities affects urban safety and<br />

security. Subsequent chapters will present some aspects of<br />

this dimensi<strong>on</strong>, especially with respect to the incidence of<br />

crime and violence, as well as the impacts of natural and<br />

technological hazards, which tend to be higher in larger and<br />

denser urban areas. There are important caveats to this<br />

c<strong>on</strong>clusi<strong>on</strong>, including, for example, that very high density<br />

areas may have lower crime rates, such as New York, while<br />

there may also be an increased vulnerability in low density<br />

regi<strong>on</strong>s, such as isolated areas lacking social and instituti<strong>on</strong>al<br />

mechanisms for protecti<strong>on</strong>. As indicated in Chapter 3, the<br />

roles of culture and governance are but two of the factors<br />

that mediate these relati<strong>on</strong>ships and make clear correlati<strong>on</strong>s<br />

difficult to establish.<br />

While these caveats apply to the risks of crime and<br />

violence, they do not necessarily apply to disasters where the<br />

c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong> of more people also c<strong>on</strong>centrates and magnifies<br />

risk and the likelihood of death, injury and property<br />

damage. The case of rapid growth in Dhaka, Bangladesh,<br />

illustrates this process of increasing risk in large cities (see<br />

Chapter 7). One large risk insurance company has identified<br />

the 15 largest cities at high risk due to natural hazards,<br />

including earthquakes, tropical storms, tsunamis and<br />

volcanic erupti<strong>on</strong>s (also see Table 7.5 in Chapter 7). Smaller<br />

cities usually lack the instituti<strong>on</strong>al capacity to prepare for<br />

and manage risks. In physical terms, urbanizati<strong>on</strong> processes<br />

at all levels tend to change the risk and hazard profiles of<br />

cities. As stated earlier, this c<strong>on</strong>centrati<strong>on</strong> of risk is greatest<br />

for the urban poor living in slums. All of these issues should<br />

focus more attenti<strong>on</strong> <strong>on</strong> urban governance, adding risk<br />

management and preventi<strong>on</strong> to the already c<strong>on</strong>siderable

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