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Educing Information: Interrogation - National Intelligence University

Educing Information: Interrogation - National Intelligence University

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more than actually delivering the consequence. Research — not conducted in<br />

interrogation contexts — seems to suggest that under certain conditions fear<br />

can facilitate compliance; however, it does not adequately address whether fear<br />

leads to more accurate and useful information (in, for example, an intelligence<br />

interrogation situation). That is, fear may motivate an enemy source to “talk,” but<br />

not necessarily to provide accurate intelligence.<br />

Research in social science, particularly in marketing and health education,<br />

suggests that the effectiveness of a threat appears to be determined largely by the<br />

perceived magnitude of the threat, the recipient’s perceived vulnerability, and<br />

the perceived effectiveness of the proposed alternative to the feared outcome.<br />

Compliance seems most likely when the appeal to fear is high and the recommended<br />

behavior is perceived to be highly effective (Witte and Allen, 2000). This means<br />

the source must consider the threat credible and must believe that the educer will<br />

withdraw it if the source complies. For example, some experienced interrogators<br />

have suggested that threatening a source with death is not particularly effective<br />

because the source may believe that an educer who is willing to kill him might<br />

be willing — even likely — to kill him whether he complies or not. The source’s<br />

motivation to comply therefore diminishes.<br />

Coercion<br />

Little social science literature speaks directly to the effectiveness of coercive<br />

tactics in educing accurate, useful information, but there is literature on how<br />

coercive influence strategies, such as inducing fear, affects relationships. The<br />

induction of fear or pain appears to be a critical element. If a source views the<br />

educer as the cause of his aversive situation, he may react against it by increasing<br />

his resistance and determination not to comply (see the next section). Research<br />

has shown consistently that recipients of punishment or aversive stimuli do<br />

distinguish between unpleasant sensations that are self-inflicted or naturally<br />

occurring and those intentionally caused by another person. One implication for<br />

educing information seems to be that the source should not view the primary<br />

educer as the cause of any negative consequences; someone else should wear<br />

the black hat if necessary. Ideally, the source should perceive that he alone is<br />

responsible for his situation.<br />

More generally, social science research indicates that a perception of coercion<br />

can negatively affect the tenor of the relationship between the educer and the source<br />

and decrease the likelihood that the source will comply or cooperate. Research<br />

both in North America and in Asia (China) has shown that using coercive influence<br />

strategies causes targets (or sources, in the context of educing information) to<br />

feel disrespected, whereas persuasion strategies communicate respect. Thus,<br />

importantly, coercion creates a competitive dynamic that facilitates rejection of<br />

the other party’s position where persuasion creates a cooperative dynamic that<br />

facilitates greater openness to the other party’s position and productive conflict<br />

resolution (Tjosvold and Sun, 2001). A similar line of research has shown that<br />

rational persuasion — and avoidance of “pressure” — increases the likelihood<br />

of target commitment in influence interactions (Yukl et al., 1996). Interestingly,<br />

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