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Educing Information: Interrogation - National Intelligence University

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younger and more limited in life experience than the populations of interest in the<br />

national security context. While criminal populations may make generalization of<br />

findings more reasonable for law enforcement personnel, they present limitations<br />

for the intelligence collector. The population of criminals in the United States<br />

consists disproportionately of individuals in the low average range of intelligence<br />

or worse. In addition, criminals as a group are likely to have substantially more<br />

experience in interrogation/questioning situations than the rest of the population.<br />

Law enforcement may be at the point of developing real capabilities to work with<br />

below-average intelligence criminals and academic researchers may have a good<br />

understanding of above-average intelligence college students, but these results<br />

may have only limited relevance to intelligence collection.<br />

Most studies also used a relatively small sample size, with an average of 40<br />

subjects per study. 41 Such small samples may allow validation of only the most<br />

powerful cues and may discount many moderately effective ones.<br />

Behavior Sampling<br />

Most studies typically use very short snippets of data — commonly less<br />

than 1 minute — whereas in a real-world situation an interviewer may observe<br />

a subject over a much longer time frame, with the option of repeated contacts.<br />

Therefore, results to date may only reflect those variables that have efficacy in<br />

that short time frame.<br />

Most studies involve people in an observer role who watch a tape of someone<br />

being questioned. In real-world applications, the people responsible for detecting<br />

deception are likely to be participating in the exchange and to be working by<br />

themselves. Research suggests that in the participant mode detection success is<br />

likely to be below 50%, or at the level of chance. 72,73<br />

Finally, much of the research uses a 50/50 paradigm, wherein the base rate of<br />

true vs. false reports is equal. The likelihood that this reflects reality seems small.<br />

Our results to date may thus represent a skewed construction of the real-world<br />

problem.<br />

Cross-Cultural Representation<br />

We know almost nothing about how our current methods work with various<br />

Asian, Middle Eastern, Central and South American, or African populations.<br />

Research to date has focused primarily on samples drawn from modern, Western<br />

countries (primarily the United States and Europe), with a few studies involving<br />

Jordanian, 74, 75 Saudi, 58 Chinese, 76,77 and Japanese 78,79 subjects. Of all the limitations<br />

in the existing body of research literature, this is the most troubling. In the DePaulo<br />

review of studies involving 120 samples, 101 were drawn from the United States<br />

or the United Kingdom and only 4 came from non-Western cultural groups. 41 Thus,<br />

from the standpoint of intelligence gathering, they do not address the populations<br />

of interest and utility. Although Ekman and his associates hold that microfacial<br />

expression changes represent a fairly universal phenomenon. 80,81,82 there is little<br />

evidence to suggest the existence of universals in nonverbal and paralinguistic<br />

behaviors across cultures. This absence of universals may also hold true even for<br />

51

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