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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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I J2<br />

TlciE FALL OF THE ATHENIAN FMPIRE<br />

<strong>of</strong> government were even less alarming than before: <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians<br />

could achieve <strong>the</strong>ir ends by "adopting a different form <strong>of</strong> democratic<br />

government."' Such language was expedient in making <strong>the</strong> case to<br />

what would surely be a resistant A<strong>the</strong>nian assembly, but pressure by<br />

moderates within <strong>the</strong> movement may also have had some influence.<br />

In any case, both proposals met strong resistance. Many spoke<br />

against any alteration in <strong>the</strong> democracy. Alcibiades' political enemies<br />

cried out against his return as an outrage against <strong>the</strong> laws, and <strong>the</strong><br />

noble clans responsible for <strong>the</strong> celebration <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> mysteries condemned<br />

<strong>the</strong> proposal on religious grounds. Peisander met <strong>the</strong> challenge masterfully.<br />

He began with an advantage that few, if any, o<strong>the</strong>r members<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> movement possessed: he was still believed to be "a man <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

left," a democratic politican, perhaps even a demagogue.' Such a man<br />

had a better chance <strong>of</strong> gaining a hearing for <strong>the</strong> unwelcome proposals<br />

than a more conservative figure, but his rhetorical and parliamentary<br />

skills were even more effective than his reputation. Thucydides' description<br />

makes it clear that he rose to speak to a wild and tumultuous<br />

assembly that interrupted him with contradictions and complaints.<br />

His very effective technique was to call on all <strong>of</strong> his hecklers in turn<br />

and ask <strong>the</strong>m if <strong>the</strong>y had any hope for <strong>the</strong> salvation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city in <strong>the</strong><br />

present conditions in which Sparta had as many ships and more allied<br />

cities than A<strong>the</strong>ns and <strong>the</strong> Persians supplied it with money while<br />

A<strong>the</strong>ns had none. Had <strong>the</strong>y any o<strong>the</strong>r hope than bringing back Alcibiades<br />

and, with him, Persian aid? <strong>The</strong> answer was that <strong>the</strong>re was<br />

no o<strong>the</strong>r hope, and Peisander drove home <strong>the</strong> obvious conclusion: <strong>the</strong>y<br />

must recall Alcibiades, who was <strong>the</strong> only man who could bring <strong>the</strong>m<br />

Persian support, and <strong>the</strong>y must change <strong>the</strong> constitution because Alcibiades<br />

required it and because it was necessary to win <strong>the</strong> Great<br />

King's trust. <strong>The</strong> oligarchs in <strong>the</strong> movement wanted constitutional<br />

change for its own sake. <strong>The</strong> moderates wanted <strong>the</strong> return <strong>of</strong> Alcibiades,<br />

and he required an alteration in <strong>the</strong> regime to guarantee a safe<br />

return, so <strong>the</strong>y were prepared to accept it. <strong>The</strong>re is no independent<br />

Jg_ 53· 1: J.LiJ Tiw aVrOv Tp07rov 8'fJJ.WKpaT01Jf.lkvov;. I have used <strong>the</strong> translation <strong>of</strong> C.<br />

F. Smith. For a translation with <strong>the</strong> same sense and a useful explanatory note, see<br />

Thucydide, La guerre du Piloponnese, ed. and trans. R. Weil and J. de Romilly, VIII<br />

(Paris, 1972), 43·<br />

"Aristophanes treats him as a demagogue <strong>of</strong> long standing in <strong>the</strong> Lysistrata (49o-491),<br />

produced at <strong>the</strong> Lenaean festival in February 41 I, certainly some time after his speech<br />

in <strong>the</strong> assembly. For <strong>the</strong> interpretation <strong>of</strong> Aristophanes and <strong>the</strong> date, see HCT V, 189.<br />

See also A. H. Sornmerstein,JHS XCVII (1977), 112-126.

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