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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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360 THE FALL OF THE ATHENIAN FMPIRE<br />

captains gave orders to <strong>the</strong>ir crews to begin <strong>the</strong> operation but encountered<br />

resistance. <strong>The</strong> men, Diodorus tells us, "because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir suffering<br />

in <strong>the</strong> battle and because <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great size <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> waves, argued<br />

against picking up <strong>the</strong> corpses."" It is tempting to believe that here<br />

his source has preserved <strong>the</strong> words spoken, for it would be natural for<br />

men, worn out after a lengthy battle and frightened by a storm growing<br />

stronger by <strong>the</strong> minute, to put <strong>the</strong> best face on <strong>the</strong>ir reluctance by<br />

speaking as if <strong>the</strong>re were no survivors any longer but only corpses for<br />

which no lives should be risked. Perhaps this is what led Diodorus to<br />

write only <strong>of</strong> corpses throughout his account. However that may be,<br />

<strong>the</strong> captains were unable to get <strong>the</strong> men to move before <strong>the</strong> storm grew<br />

so violent as to prevent any attempt to go to sea. <strong>The</strong> early appearance<br />

and severity <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> storm would be a key element in later discussions<br />

<strong>of</strong> who was responsible for <strong>the</strong> failure <strong>of</strong> rescue and recovery, and<br />

Grote has doubted both: "<strong>The</strong>re exists here strong presumptive pro<strong>of</strong><br />

that <strong>the</strong> storm on this occasion was not such as would have deterred<br />

any Grecian seamen animated by an earnest and courageous sense <strong>of</strong><br />

duty. nis<br />

<strong>The</strong> pro<strong>of</strong> that Grote adduces is that when Eteonicus got word <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian victory, he sailed safely from Mytilene to Chios with <strong>the</strong><br />

help <strong>of</strong> a "fair wind. " 19 If <strong>the</strong> wea<strong>the</strong>r was good between Mytilene and<br />

Chios, a route bringing his ships close by Arginusae, how could <strong>the</strong>re<br />

have been a storm near Arginusae violent enough to prevent <strong>the</strong> rescue?<br />

<strong>The</strong>re is, however, no contradiction; in fact, <strong>the</strong> evidence supports <strong>the</strong><br />

idea that a storm arose near Arginusae at a time and with such a violence<br />

that it prevented attempts to recover men and corpses. Both ancient<br />

accounts describe a storm gradually increasing in severity. Xenophon<br />

reports heavy rain and a thunderstorm that prevented Callicratidas<br />

from launching an attack <strong>the</strong> night before <strong>the</strong> battle and a wind and<br />

"a great storm" that prevented <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians from rescuing <strong>the</strong>ir men<br />

and from attacking Eteonicus at Mytilene. According to Xenophon,<br />

Conon made his way from Mytilene to meet <strong>the</strong> forces at Arginusae<br />

CXXX (1919), 21, n. 1. Since <strong>the</strong>re were thousands <strong>of</strong> men who knew <strong>the</strong> truth, <strong>the</strong><br />

generals could not have misrepresented it.<br />

17 13. 100.2. Diodorus places this before <strong>the</strong> return to Arginusae, which is impossible.<br />

We should not, however, reject his evidence on that account. l-Ie might well have<br />

confused, as he <strong>of</strong>ten does, <strong>the</strong> time that <strong>the</strong> events really took place. I accept <strong>the</strong><br />

historicity <strong>of</strong> his narrative here but put it in what seems to be its proper context.<br />

18<br />

Vlll, t89.<br />

I'JXen. 1.6.37: -"l)v 8~ TO 'li"V€Uf.Lct oUpwv.

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