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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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278 -THE FALL OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE<br />

Scholars have thought that at this point <strong>the</strong> fate <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon was<br />

sealed, that it was only a matter <strong>of</strong> time before it fell," but Pharnabazus<br />

and his large army <strong>of</strong> infantry and cavalry, strong and frustrated, was<br />

only a short distance away at <strong>the</strong> sanctuary <strong>of</strong> Heracles in Chalcedonian<br />

territory. <strong>The</strong>re could be no certainty that <strong>the</strong>y would not find a way<br />

to get through <strong>the</strong> fence and present <strong>the</strong> besieging A<strong>the</strong>nians with a<br />

challenge from two directions. Perhaps <strong>the</strong>se circumstances help explain<br />

<strong>the</strong> action <strong>the</strong> remaining A<strong>the</strong>nian generals took after <strong>the</strong> departure<br />

<strong>of</strong> Alcibiades. <strong>The</strong>y negotiated a treaty with Pharnabazus on<br />

behalf <strong>of</strong> Chalcedon containing <strong>the</strong> following terms: <strong>the</strong> Chalcedonians<br />

would pay <strong>the</strong> tribute <strong>the</strong>y had been accustomed to paying before <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

defection as well as <strong>the</strong> arrears that had accumulated; Pharnabazus<br />

himself would pay <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians 20 talents and would conduct A<strong>the</strong>nian<br />

ambassadors to <strong>the</strong> Great King; in return <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians swore<br />

not to attack <strong>the</strong> Chalcedonians or <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> Pharnabazus until<br />

those ambassadors returned. <strong>The</strong> generals and Pharnabazus swore <strong>the</strong><br />

required oaths to approve <strong>the</strong> treaty, but <strong>the</strong> satrap insisted that Alcibiades<br />

must swear too. When <strong>the</strong> latter returned, he refused merely<br />

to add his oath to <strong>the</strong> ones sworn by his colleagues and insisted that<br />

he would swear to Pharnabazus only if <strong>the</strong> satrap did <strong>the</strong> same to him.<br />

Each finally swore <strong>the</strong> oath in <strong>the</strong> presence <strong>of</strong> representatives <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong><br />

o<strong>the</strong>r, and <strong>the</strong> deed was done. 16<br />

<strong>The</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian negotiations with Pharnabazus reveal much about <strong>the</strong><br />

situation in 408 and also raise important questions. <strong>The</strong>y show that<br />

<strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian generals in <strong>the</strong> Hellespont were cooperating and acting<br />

without any distinction <strong>of</strong> status, for <strong>the</strong> sources say nothing <strong>of</strong> any<br />

disagreement among <strong>the</strong>m in undertaking such important and novel<br />

actions. Diodorus attributes <strong>the</strong> agreement to <strong>The</strong>ramenes, but Thrasyllus<br />

was also present and must have approved <strong>of</strong> and taken part in<br />

15 E.g., Hatzfeld, Alcibiade, 282; and Amit, LAC XLII (1973), 440.<br />

16 Xenophon (I.J.B-12), Diodorus (q.66.J), and Plutarch (Ak. JI.I-2) all tell <strong>the</strong><br />

story somewhat differently. Xenophon's account is <strong>the</strong> fullest and most satisfactory,<br />

and I follow it, with one addition. Xenophon says <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians swore "not to make<br />

war on <strong>the</strong> Chalcedonians." Plutarch, however, says nothing abom Chalcedonians,<br />

reporting that <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians promised "not to harm <strong>the</strong> territory <strong>of</strong> Pharnabazus."<br />

Scholars, without any manuscript support, have suggested that a scribal error is responsible<br />

for <strong>the</strong> reading we have and propose to substitute Pharnabazus for <strong>the</strong> Chalcedonians<br />

to make <strong>the</strong> account agree with Plutarch (see Grote, VIII, 1 p with n. 3;<br />

Hatzfeld, Alcibiade, 285, n. 2; M. Amit, LAC XLII [19731, 456). I see no good reason<br />

to do so. Instead, I suggest that <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians promised to refrain from attacking ei<strong>the</strong>r<br />

party, which in fact <strong>the</strong>y did, going <strong>of</strong>f at once to <strong>the</strong> siege <strong>of</strong> Byzantium. Xenophon<br />

and Plutarch simply reported different clauses <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> treaty.

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