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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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PREFACE<br />

<strong>of</strong> each situation. Inevitably, that will seem arbitrary in some cases,<br />

but <strong>the</strong> nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> evidence about <strong>the</strong> quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sources permits<br />

no greater consistency. Introducing and following any general rule<br />

would surely lead to more errors than <strong>the</strong> application <strong>of</strong> independent<br />

judgment in each case.<br />

One fur<strong>the</strong>r question <strong>of</strong> method deserves attention. More than one<br />

able and sympa<strong>the</strong>tic critic <strong>of</strong> my earlier volumes has been troubled<br />

by my practice <strong>of</strong> comparing what took place with what might have<br />

happened had individuals or peoples taken different actions and by<br />

my penchant for <strong>the</strong> subjunctive mood, or what is sometimes called<br />

"counterfactual history." To my mind, no one who aims to write a<br />

history ra<strong>the</strong>r than a chronicle can avoid discussing what might have<br />

happened; <strong>the</strong> only question is how explicitly one reveals what one is<br />

doing. A major difference between historians and chroniclers is that<br />

historians interpret what <strong>the</strong>y recount, that is, <strong>the</strong>y make judgments<br />

about it. <strong>The</strong>re is no way that <strong>the</strong> historian can judge that one action<br />

or policy was wise or foolish without saying, or implying, that it was<br />

better or worse than some o<strong>the</strong>r that might have been employed, which<br />

is, after all, "counterfactual history." No doubt my method has been<br />

influenced by <strong>the</strong> great historian whom I have been studying for three<br />

decades, who engages in this practice very frequently and more openly<br />

than most. Let two examples suffice. In his explanation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> great<br />

length <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Greeks'.siege <strong>of</strong> Troy, Thucydides says: "But if <strong>the</strong>y<br />

had taken with <strong>the</strong>m an abundant supply <strong>of</strong> food, and ... had carried<br />

on <strong>the</strong> war continuously, <strong>the</strong>y would easily have prevailed in battle and<br />

taken <strong>the</strong> city.'"' Again, in <strong>the</strong> conclusion to his summation and judgment<br />

<strong>of</strong> Pericles' career, he says: "Such abundant grounds had Pericles at<br />

that time for his own forecast that A<strong>the</strong>ns might quite easily have triumphed<br />

in this war over <strong>the</strong> <strong>Peloponnesian</strong>s alone.'" I believe that <strong>the</strong>re are<br />

important advantages in such explicitness: it puts <strong>the</strong> reader on notice<br />

that <strong>the</strong> statement in question is a judgment, an interpretation, ra<strong>the</strong>r<br />

than a fact, and it helps avoid <strong>the</strong> excessive power <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fait accompli,<br />

making clear that what really occurred was not <strong>the</strong> inevitable outcome<br />

<strong>of</strong> superhuman forces but <strong>the</strong> result <strong>of</strong> decisions hy human beings and<br />

suggesting that both <strong>the</strong> decisions and <strong>the</strong>ir outcomes could well have<br />

6 1.1 1.2. To avoid prejudicing <strong>the</strong> question, I have not used my own translation but<br />

that <strong>of</strong> C. F. Smith in <strong>the</strong> Loeb edition, which is reliable and attempts to stay closer<br />

to <strong>the</strong> text than most. <strong>The</strong> Greek in <strong>the</strong> emphasized portion reads: P~Biwo:; &v ,.. uixn<br />

Kpa.'ToiJVTE'i lLAOV.<br />

7<br />

z.6s.q: 11'civu lxv j)«;t8Lwo; 1TEPL'YEvicr6m ri)v 1T0ALV.

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