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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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THE RESTORATION 269<br />

sources and allowed <strong>the</strong> treasurers to disburse funds for military and<br />

o<strong>the</strong>r purposes. 89 <strong>The</strong>re is also considerable reason to doubt that <strong>the</strong><br />

A<strong>the</strong>nians had as many as fifty triremes available for <strong>the</strong> campaign in<br />

410. 90 Practical considerations, <strong>the</strong>refore, required <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians to<br />

delay <strong>the</strong> reinforcements.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 409, Thrasyllus finally set out with his force but<br />

not to <strong>the</strong> Hellespont. Instead, he sailed for Samos before launching<br />

an attack on <strong>the</strong> Ionian mainlandn <strong>The</strong> decision to go <strong>the</strong>re has raised<br />

questions among modern scholars:' but it should not be surprising.<br />

Thrasyllus had been sent to A<strong>the</strong>ns from <strong>the</strong> Hellespont in <strong>the</strong> winter<br />

<strong>of</strong> 4 I I I 10 after <strong>the</strong> battle at Sestos to ask for reinforcements!' <strong>The</strong>n<br />

<strong>the</strong>re would have been good reason to send a force to <strong>the</strong> Hellespont<br />

immediately, had <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians been able to do so. In <strong>the</strong> spring <strong>of</strong><br />

410, after Cyzicus, it still would have been important to send a force<br />

directly to that <strong>the</strong>ater <strong>of</strong> warfare before <strong>the</strong> Spartans could restore<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir navy, but as we have seen, A<strong>the</strong>nian resources were not yet up<br />

to <strong>the</strong> challenge. By <strong>the</strong> summer <strong>of</strong> 409, however, <strong>the</strong> strategic situation<br />

had changed. <strong>The</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians in <strong>the</strong> Hellespont no longer faced immediate<br />

danger, as <strong>the</strong>y had after Sestos, nor did <strong>the</strong>y confront an<br />

extraordinary opportunity, for <strong>the</strong> Spartans once again had a fleet. A<br />

delay <strong>of</strong> a month or so in beginning <strong>the</strong> campaign in <strong>the</strong> Hellespont<br />

was not crucial. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, <strong>the</strong>re were attractive prospects in<br />

Ionia. Tissaphernes' satrapy must have appeared very vulnerable; he<br />

had thoroughly alienated <strong>the</strong> Spartans on whose forces he had previously<br />

relied, and in any case, <strong>the</strong>y were <strong>of</strong>f in <strong>the</strong> straits where <strong>the</strong>y<br />

had o<strong>the</strong>r concerns. Three Greek cities in his province-Miletus, Cnidus,<br />

and Antandros-had ejected his garrisons!' Moreover, in most<br />

cities <strong>the</strong>re were Atticizers waiting to reverse policy if <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians<br />

gained even temporary successes. 95 Victories in Ionia would restore<br />

A<strong>the</strong>nian control, bring money into A<strong>the</strong>nian c<strong>of</strong>fers, and build a<br />

~McCoy, AJP XCVIII (1977), 277-278.<br />

90<br />

lbid., 273, n. 39·<br />

111 Xen. 1. 2.1; Diodorus (• 3.64. 1) omits <strong>the</strong> early stages <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> expedition and begins<br />

his account with <strong>the</strong> attack on Ephesus.<br />

91<br />

lt is a central point in Andrewes' argument (]HS LXXIII [•9531. 2-9). See also<br />

McCoy (A]P XCVIII [1977], 2]()-281), who follows Andrewes in accepting a political<br />

exelanation for <strong>the</strong> choice <strong>of</strong> lonia.<br />

3<br />

Xen. 1.1.8.<br />

94 8.84; 108.4-5; I Of}. I.<br />

95<br />

Meiggs, A<strong>the</strong>nian <strong>Empire</strong>, 371. For a good discussion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation, see McCoy,<br />

A]P XCVIII (1977), 281-282.

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