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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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CYRUS, LYSANDER, AND THE FALL OF ALCIBIADES 319<br />

Lysander deserves great credit for this victory, which vindicated his<br />

policy <strong>of</strong> watchful waiting, <strong>of</strong> refusing to fight until circumstances<br />

made success probable. <strong>The</strong> performance <strong>of</strong> his fleet also demonstrates<br />

<strong>the</strong> high quality <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> training he had given his crews, for <strong>the</strong>y responded<br />

to his orders swiftly and maintained excellent discipline<br />

throughout <strong>the</strong> battle. He himself demonstrated talent <strong>of</strong> a high order;<br />

he was quick to see an opportunity and seize it and was decisive and<br />

shrewd in using it to <strong>the</strong> full when greater prospects beckoned. <strong>The</strong><br />

key decision was to order his main fleet out in pursuit after he had<br />

sunk Antiochus' vessel and seen <strong>the</strong> panic and confusion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> nine<br />

remaining A<strong>the</strong>nian ships. Although <strong>the</strong>y must have been ready to<br />

come on signal, timing was everything; <strong>the</strong>y must move quickly to<br />

catch <strong>the</strong> main A<strong>the</strong>nian fleet at Notium unaware. <strong>The</strong> swiftness <strong>of</strong><br />

Lysander's appreciation <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> situation and <strong>the</strong> alacrity <strong>of</strong> his fleet's<br />

response speak very well for his ability as an admiral. Still, Lysander<br />

could not have done anything without <strong>the</strong> mistakes made by Antiochus,<br />

whose strategy was misconceived and whose execution was<br />

disastrous. Such failures are not surprising in a man who had not<br />

previously exercised command, and <strong>the</strong>y raise questions about his<br />

appointment. We have seen that Alcibiades had plausible reasons for<br />

choosing Antiochus as his substitute, but even if <strong>the</strong>se reasons are<br />

accepted, it is impossible to free him from blame. To leave <strong>the</strong> main<br />

A<strong>the</strong>nian fleet in <strong>the</strong> hands <strong>of</strong> an inexperienced man within a few miles<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> main enemy force was a gamble, and considering how serious<br />

<strong>the</strong> defeat and possible destruction <strong>of</strong> that fleet would be, it was a<br />

reckless and unjustifiable gamble.<br />

In material terms, <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians' defeat at Notium was not very<br />

serious, for <strong>the</strong>y suffered few casualties, and <strong>the</strong>y still had 108 ships<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Aegean, more than <strong>the</strong> enemy. 106 It did, however, cancel A<strong>the</strong>nian<br />

plans for recovering <strong>the</strong> lost allied cities in Ionia. <strong>The</strong> withdrawal<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> fleet from Phocaea put an end to <strong>the</strong> campaign <strong>the</strong>re, and before<br />

long Conon would have to abandon <strong>the</strong> siege <strong>of</strong> Andros. '"' In fact,<br />

soon after <strong>the</strong> battle <strong>the</strong> Spartans seized Delphinium on <strong>the</strong> island <strong>of</strong><br />

Chios and Teos not far from Notium. '"' <strong>The</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian soldiers and<br />

joined <strong>the</strong>re by Alcibiades, and <strong>the</strong> whole force coming back to Ephesus to challenge<br />

Lysander in vain.<br />

106<br />

Alcibiades' 88 and Canon's 20.<br />

107<br />

Xen. 1.5.18.<br />

108<br />

Xen. I-5.15. <strong>The</strong> text reads Eion, but editors have suggested an emendation to<br />

Teos on <strong>the</strong> basis <strong>of</strong> Diod. IJ-76·4· See Underhill, Commentary, 22.

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