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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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66 THE FALL OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE<br />

<strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian camp at Miletus with some degree <strong>of</strong> probability. He<br />

says that Phrynichus had clear information about <strong>the</strong> enemy's ships.<br />

Probably, he argued at first that <strong>the</strong> enemy's numerical superiority<br />

made it unwise to fight. <strong>The</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r generals, eager for a battle, must<br />

have questioned <strong>the</strong> report's accuracy. Phrynichus, instead <strong>of</strong> insisting<br />

on <strong>the</strong> reliability <strong>of</strong> his facts, shifted his ground and used uncertainty<br />

about <strong>the</strong> enemy's numbers as a reason for not fighting. Apparently,<br />

<strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r generals raised <strong>the</strong> cry <strong>of</strong> cowardice, arguing that for <strong>the</strong><br />

A<strong>the</strong>nians to refuse battle at sea, <strong>the</strong> element that <strong>the</strong>y proudly claimed<br />

to master, would be shameful. Once again, <strong>the</strong> artful Phrynichus<br />

turned <strong>the</strong>ir argument against <strong>the</strong>m, claiming that <strong>the</strong> real shame was<br />

not in strategic withdrawal but in defeat at sea under any circumstances.<br />

All <strong>of</strong> this was mainly sophistry, but he had still ano<strong>the</strong>r argument.<br />

Echoing <strong>the</strong> language <strong>of</strong> Pericles, he urged <strong>the</strong>m not "to rush into<br />

dangers <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong>ir own choosing. " 59 After <strong>the</strong> Sicilian disaster, <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians<br />

were in no condition to take <strong>the</strong> <strong>of</strong>fensive. This last point, we<br />

may believe, was what won over Phrynichus' colleagues as it also has<br />

persuaded modern scholars.<br />

Busolt believes that an attack <strong>of</strong> uncertain result "would have been<br />

highly excessive; a defeat would have had <strong>the</strong> loss <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> land army,<br />

too, as its result. In fact, <strong>the</strong> outcome would have been very uncertain,<br />

for <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians did not have <strong>the</strong>ir previous tactical superiority ....<br />

<strong>The</strong> days <strong>of</strong> Phormio were over. " 60 Meyer's view is <strong>the</strong> same: "<strong>The</strong><br />

absolute command <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> sea, trusting in which Phormio could bravely<br />

encounter a more numerous enemy in 429, was gone; at <strong>the</strong> moment<br />

A<strong>the</strong>ns' position in respect to <strong>the</strong> enemy was scarcely better at sea<br />

than for decades past it had been on land. " 61 <strong>The</strong>se estimates <strong>of</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian<br />

naval prospects in 412 do not accord well with <strong>the</strong> evidence, being<br />

far too pessimistic. To be sure, <strong>the</strong> days <strong>of</strong> Phormio were over, but<br />

A<strong>the</strong>ns continued to maintain tactical and psychological superiority<br />

over its enemies at sea, even after <strong>the</strong> Sicilian expedition. Earlier in<br />

<strong>the</strong> year <strong>the</strong> <strong>Peloponnesian</strong> fleet had been intimidated in Corinthian<br />

waters and had been driven to land at a deserted and inconvenient<br />

base. Later, nineteen A<strong>the</strong>nian ships were enough to frighten twentyfive<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> enemy into staying in port and enduring a blockade. <strong>The</strong><br />

59<br />

8.27.3. <strong>The</strong> words uu0uLpET01!

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