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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FIVE THOUSAND 189<br />

Alcibiades and his army on Samos but also "those who had been<br />

sending embassies to Spana, lest <strong>the</strong>y do some harm to <strong>the</strong> city without<br />

consulting <strong>the</strong> majority."' <strong>The</strong>y did not urge <strong>the</strong> discontented to take<br />

up arms and launch a counterrevolution. Given <strong>the</strong> uncertainty and<br />

suspicion <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> times and <strong>the</strong> capacity for murder and terror still<br />

controlled by <strong>the</strong> extremists, that would be too dangerous. If such an<br />

action failed, moreover, it would increase <strong>the</strong> danger <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> betrayal<br />

<strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city at which <strong>the</strong>ir words hinted. <strong>The</strong>y did not even use <strong>the</strong><br />

perilous language <strong>of</strong> opposing <strong>the</strong> movement toward extreme oligarchy.<br />

Instead, <strong>the</strong>y spoke <strong>of</strong> constitutional reform by which <strong>the</strong> Four<br />

Hundred would be asked merely to carry out promises <strong>the</strong>y had already<br />

made: "to appoint <strong>the</strong> Five Thousand in fact and not in name and<br />

[<strong>the</strong>reby] to establish a more equal polity."' Privately, no doubt, <strong>the</strong>y<br />

feared a betrayal <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> city far more than an attack from Samos. In<br />

fact, <strong>the</strong>y were stirred to action by <strong>the</strong> news that Alcibiades had<br />

acquired a position <strong>of</strong> leadership on Samos, which persuaded <strong>the</strong>m<br />

that <strong>the</strong> days <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> oligarchy were numbered.<br />

Thucydides goes out <strong>of</strong> his way to assert that <strong>the</strong> call for <strong>the</strong> Five<br />

Thousand was only a political slogan behind which <strong>the</strong> dissident leaders<br />

concealed <strong>the</strong>ir envy <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r members <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Four Hundred,<br />

who had gained dominant positions at <strong>the</strong>ir expense, and <strong>the</strong>ir personal<br />

ambitions. Although we have suggested that o<strong>the</strong>r forces were at work,<br />

we need not doubt that such thoughts and feelings played some pan.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se men were A<strong>the</strong>nian politicians and, <strong>the</strong>refore, had been raised<br />

in a highly competitive culture in which ambition to achieve a position<br />

<strong>of</strong> leadership and respect in <strong>the</strong> state was natural and nothing <strong>of</strong> which<br />

to be ashamed; still, we should not overestimate such motives. More<br />

pressing than jealousy and ambition were two o<strong>the</strong>r motives: fear and<br />

patriotism. If <strong>the</strong> oppressively narrow oligarchy was left to its own<br />

devices, it might turn under pressure against suspected dissidents <strong>of</strong><br />

whom Aristocrates and <strong>The</strong>ramenes would be obvious examples. If<br />

<strong>the</strong> Samian democrats took control <strong>of</strong> A<strong>the</strong>ns from a still united and<br />

narrow oligarchy, none <strong>of</strong> its founders could expect much mercy from<br />

<strong>the</strong> victors. On <strong>the</strong> o<strong>the</strong>r hand, as <strong>the</strong> danger to <strong>the</strong> government grew,<br />

so did <strong>the</strong> incentive for <strong>the</strong> extremists to seek shelter in a Spanan<br />

occupation. Everything we know about <strong>the</strong> moderate leaders tells us<br />

that <strong>the</strong>y opposed yielding A<strong>the</strong>nian independence. <strong>The</strong> honors <strong>the</strong>y

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