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The Fall of the Athenian Empire-(A New History of the Peloponnesian War) Donald Kagan - (1987)

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine) ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!! Strabo – “Geography” “There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.” (Strab. 7.fragments.9) ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

MACEDONIA is GREECE and will always be GREECE- (if they are desperate to steal a name, Monkeydonkeys suits them just fine)

ΚΑΤΩ Η ΣΥΓΚΥΒΕΡΝΗΣΗ ΤΩΝ ΠΡΟΔΟΤΩΝ!!!

Strabo – “Geography”
“There remain of Europe, first, Macedonia and the parts of Thrace that are contiguous to it and extend as far as Byzantium; secondly, Greece; and thirdly, the islands that are close by. Macedonia, of course, is a part of Greece, yet now, since I am following the nature and shape of the places geographically, I have decided to classify it apart from the rest of Greece and to join it with that part of Thrace which borders on it and extends as far as the mouth of the Euxine and the Propontis. Then, a little further on, Strabo mentions Cypsela and the Hebrus River, and also describes a sort of parallelogram in which the whole of Macedonia lies.”
(Strab. 7.fragments.9)

ΚΚΕ, ΚΝΕ, ΟΝΝΕΔ, ΑΓΟΡΑ,ΕΚΚΛΗΣΙΑ,ΝΕΑ,ΦΩΝΗ,ΦΕΚ,ΝΟΜΟΣ,LIFO,MACEDONIA, ALEXANDER, GREECE,IKEA

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74 THE FALL OF THE ATHENIAN EMPIRE<br />

well as <strong>the</strong> Spartans. We may guess that when he encouraged <strong>the</strong><br />

Spartans to support <strong>the</strong> rebellion in Chi os, promising to pay <strong>the</strong>ir men<br />

1 drachma a day for <strong>the</strong> purpose, he expected a quick campaign and<br />

an easy victory. Instead, <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nians had quickly recovered <strong>the</strong><br />

initiative, brought a significant fleet into play, and threatened to snuff<br />

out <strong>the</strong> rebellion. <strong>The</strong> arrival <strong>of</strong> a large <strong>Peloponnesian</strong> fleet and Phrynichus'<br />

caution had prevented that outcome, but now he faced <strong>the</strong><br />

prospect <strong>of</strong> supporting, at least in part from his own funds, a much<br />

larger force than he had expected and, for a period whose end he could<br />

not foresee. He did not need Alcibiades to advise him to reduce <strong>the</strong><br />

promised rate <strong>of</strong> pay, although he gladly received it. <strong>The</strong> adherence<br />

<strong>of</strong> Alcibiades <strong>of</strong>fered him a unique individual who knew both A<strong>the</strong>ns<br />

and Sparta well, had friends in both camps, and was useful as a source<br />

<strong>of</strong> information and an effective communicator. It was not Alcibiades'<br />

plan that he needed.'' "<strong>The</strong> real use <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian exile, was to assist<br />

<strong>the</strong> satrap in carrying [his own plan] into execution; and to provide<br />

him with those plausible pretences and justifications, which he was to<br />

issue as a substitute for effective supplies <strong>of</strong> men and money."'" If it<br />

pleased Alcibiades to make much <strong>of</strong> his intimacy with <strong>the</strong> sa trap, to<br />

make it obvious that he was Tissaphernes' trusted adviser and confidant,<br />

and even to act as <strong>the</strong> Persian's spokesman on occasion, Tissaphernes<br />

did not mind as long as <strong>the</strong> advice agreed with his own<br />

judgment and Alcibiades continued to be useful.<br />

Public display <strong>of</strong> his intimacy and influence with Tissaphernes<br />

pleased Alcibiades greatly; his own plans depended on o<strong>the</strong>rs, particularly<br />

<strong>the</strong> Atlienians, believing that he had <strong>the</strong> power <strong>of</strong> influencing,<br />

perhaps even controlling <strong>the</strong> satrap's policy. His safety required that<br />

<strong>the</strong> Spartans should not triumph, for <strong>the</strong> deadly vengeance <strong>of</strong> Agis<br />

and hostility <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> Spartans and <strong>Peloponnesian</strong>s were unlikely to wane<br />

with time." To be sure, he was still subject to <strong>the</strong> death penalty at<br />

A<strong>the</strong>ns, but he placed greater hope in die milder and more forgiving<br />

nature <strong>of</strong> <strong>the</strong> A<strong>the</strong>nian democracy. Thucydides reveals Alcibiades'<br />

purposes in advising Tissaphernes:<br />

Alcibiades gave Tissaphernes and <strong>the</strong> King <strong>the</strong> advice he did while under<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir protection, on <strong>the</strong> one hand, because he thought it was <strong>the</strong> best advice<br />

for <strong>the</strong>m; at <strong>the</strong> same time, he was working diligently for his own return to<br />

19<br />

As Hatzfeld (Alcibiade, 228) suggests.<br />

~"Grote, VIII, 4·<br />

21 Plut. Ale. 25.2.

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