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Tobacco and Public Health - TCSC Indonesia

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JOHN P. PIERCE ET AL. 317<br />

would be the impact of this on population prevalence? Obviously, smoking prevalence<br />

cannot be maintained if there is no initiation to replace those who successfully quit or<br />

who die. The rapidity of the effect on prevalence of smoking in the population can be<br />

seen from the experience of United States physicians. At the time of the consensus that<br />

smoking caused lung cancer, approximately half the physicians <strong>and</strong> medical students<br />

smoked. However, the report appeared to have a huge effect on medical students; by the<br />

early 1980s, only 2 per cent of students in US medical schools in the United States were<br />

smoking (Pierce <strong>and</strong> Gilpin 1994). On the other h<strong>and</strong>, successful quitting among physicians<br />

increased only slowly, in a pattern very similar to other highly educated people in<br />

the society. However, within 20 years, the rapid <strong>and</strong> sustained decline in smoking initiation<br />

led to a 6 per cent prevalence of smoking among US physicians (USDHHS 1989).<br />

Studying trends in smoking uptake also provides valuable information on the likely<br />

impact of different health promotion messages aimed at discouraging adolescents<br />

from smoking. Between 1950 <strong>and</strong> 1964, there was a barrage of news media coverage on<br />

the health consequences of smoking that was associated with many smokers quitting<br />

(Pierce <strong>and</strong> Gilpin 2001). However, there was no discernable effect on initiation rates<br />

of people aged 14–24 years. However, after the public health consensus that smoking<br />

caused disease in 1964, there has been a continual decline in the proportion of neversmoking<br />

adults (aged 18–24 years) who initiated smoking. This effect of the dissemination<br />

of the health consequences of smoking in reducing the incidence of initiation in<br />

young adults has been replicated in many countries. This declining pattern was not<br />

observed among 14–17-year-old adolescents in the United States or anywhere else.<br />

What is the process by which someone becomes a smoker?<br />

Longitudinal studies of adolescents in the late 1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s have shown that, at the<br />

end of elementary school, children are generally committed never smokers, that is, they<br />

do not envisage that there is any way that they will become a smoker. However, for<br />

many this certainty does not last, <strong>and</strong> they eventually become unwilling to rule out<br />

smoking in all situations, which we have defined as becoming susceptible to smoking.<br />

Susceptible smokers indicate that their decision depends on the particular situation<br />

they are in <strong>and</strong> many would describe themselves as curious about smoking. A series of<br />

studies have demonstrated that susceptible never smokers are at twice the risk of smoking<br />

of committed never smokers (Pierce et al. 1996; Unger et al. 1997; Jackson 1998).<br />

Many studies have shown that the more experience a person has with smoking, the<br />

greater the likelihood they will be a continuing smoker. Indeed, each increase in the<br />

level of experience increases the probability of future smoking. However, this probability<br />

decreases with time since the last smoking experience. What people expect they will<br />

do in the future is also important. If an adolescent is certain that they will not try a cigarette<br />

again, then their risk level is reduced (Choi et al. 2001). These variables can be put<br />

together to create a continuum for assessing the probability of future smoking for any<br />

individual at any point in time.

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