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Tobacco and Public Health - TCSC Indonesia

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PRABHAT JHA ET AL. 739<br />

Bans on advertising <strong>and</strong> promotion<br />

Econometric studies exploring the relationship between cigarette advertising <strong>and</strong><br />

cigarette dem<strong>and</strong> have produced mixed findings, with the majority of them concluding<br />

that advertising has, at most, a small positive impact on dem<strong>and</strong> (Townsend 1993;<br />

Chaloupka et al. 2000). However, critics of these studies note that econometric methods,<br />

which estimate the impact of a marginal change in advertising expenditures on smoking,<br />

are ill suited for studying the impact of total advertising (Townsend 1993; Chaloupka<br />

et al. 2000; FTC 2001). All cigarette producers operate at a highly saturated level of advertising<br />

exposure where the effect of a small change in advertising expenditures is almost<br />

untraceable. Approaches employing qualitative methods to evaluate the impact of<br />

cigarette advertising do support the hypothesis that increased exposure leads to higher<br />

cigarette dem<strong>and</strong> (UK Department of <strong>Health</strong> 1992; USDHHS 1994).<br />

Studying the impact of advertising <strong>and</strong> promotion bans on cigarette smoking<br />

provides more direct evidence on the impact of advertising (Chaloupka <strong>and</strong> Warner<br />

2000; Saffer 2000). For example, a recent study predicted that a comprehensive set of<br />

tobacco advertising bans in high-income countries could reduce tobacco consumption<br />

by over 6 per cent, adjusted for price effects (Saffer <strong>and</strong> Chaloupka 2000). The study<br />

also concludes that partial bans have little impact on smoking behavior, given that the<br />

tobacco industry can shift its resources from the banned media to those that are not<br />

banned.<br />

Smoking initiation <strong>and</strong> cessation interventions<br />

Preventions of smoking initiation is important for long-term reduction in tobacco<br />

consumption. However, smoking cessation is the key to reversing the current unfavorable<br />

trend in smoking-related mortality over the next few decades.<br />

Several studies using data from the US <strong>and</strong> the UK have concluded that it is possible to<br />

slow down smoking uptake <strong>and</strong> to motivate individuals to quit smoking using dem<strong>and</strong><br />

side interventions. There is some evidence that higher cigarette prices reduce smoking<br />

initiation. One study predicts that a 10 per cent rise in cigarette prices reduces the probability<br />

of smoking initiation from 3 per cent to 10 per cent depending on how initiation<br />

is defined (Tauras et al. 2001). Higher tobacco taxes were linked both to more quit<br />

attempts <strong>and</strong> quit success. It is estimated that a 5 per cent increase in tax can lead to a<br />

reduction in smoking of approximately 6–9.5 months (Forster <strong>and</strong> Jones 1999), <strong>and</strong><br />

that a 10 per cent increase in cigarette prices increases the percentage of successful cessation<br />

by 8.5 per cent <strong>and</strong> quit attempts by 2.8 per cent in one year (Levy <strong>and</strong> Romano<br />

2002). Two economic analyses of US young adults data confirmed a positive <strong>and</strong><br />

significant impact of higher cigarette prices on the probability of first-time cessation<br />

as well as on subsequent cessation for those individuals who were unable to remain<br />

smoke-free after at least one prior cessation attempt (Tauras 1999; Tauras <strong>and</strong><br />

Chaloupka 1999). According to these studies, a 10 per cent increase in cigarette price<br />

increases the probability of smoking cessation success by 3.4 per cent.

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