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Tobacco and Public Health - TCSC Indonesia

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AMANDA AMOS AND JUDITH MACKAY 339<br />

Thus, despite their overall positive effects, policies to increase tobacco taxation can<br />

be seen as regressive, penalising female smokers within the very poorest group of society<br />

which is least able to find a way out of addiction. Therefore, nonprice measures in<br />

conjunction with price measures may be more effective in helping women to quit<br />

(Jacobs 2001). In addition, interventions <strong>and</strong> public policies relevant to smoking<br />

should take account of the needs of the poorest female smokers. For example, a proportion<br />

of tobacco tax revenues could be hypothecated to address both the dimensions<br />

of disadvantage that bind women to smoking as well as providing specifically targeted<br />

smoking interventions (Marsh 1997; Graham 1998; Gaunt-Richardson et al. 1999;<br />

INWAT Europe 2000).<br />

Smoking cessation<br />

Our underst<strong>and</strong>ing of smoking cessation among women is mainly drawn from<br />

research carried out in countries with the longest history of smoking, in particular the<br />

US <strong>and</strong> UK. In these countries the decline in cigarette smoking has been faster in men<br />

than women. This may in part be due to some men changing from smoking cigarettes<br />

to cigar <strong>and</strong>/or pipes. However, several studies have suggested that women may indeed<br />

find it more difficult to quit smoking than men, <strong>and</strong> that as well as similarities, there<br />

may be important differences between men <strong>and</strong> women as to the reasons why they<br />

smoke which have implications for policy <strong>and</strong> practice.<br />

The reasons why women seem to find it more difficult to quit than men are not well<br />

understood (Hunter 2001). It is likely to be due to a combination of biological, psychological,<br />

<strong>and</strong> social factors. There is increasing evidence that while most smokers are<br />

addicted to nicotine, factors other than nicotine may be more important in reinforcing<br />

smoking among women than men. For example, cessation studies with nicotine<br />

replacement therapy (NRT) have consistently reported lower quit rates in women<br />

compared to men (Perkins et al. 1999). Similarly, studies of self-quitters have found<br />

that women were less likely to quit initially or to remain abstinent at follow up. British<br />

data show that, despite a similar desire to quit, women feel more dependent on their<br />

smoking than men (Bridgwood et al. 2000). Women are more likely to say that they<br />

would find it very hard to go without smoking for a whole day than men who smoke<br />

the same amount.<br />

Social <strong>and</strong> environmental factors are believed to be a more important influence<br />

on the smoking behaviour of women than men. For example, British <strong>and</strong> Canadian<br />

qualitative sociological research has shown how the social circumstances of disadvantage<br />

play an important part in reinforcing smoking among women (Graham 1993;<br />

Greaves 1996). This research illustrates how smoking is one mechanism which women<br />

use to cope with living <strong>and</strong> caring in disadvantaged circumstances. That is, smoking<br />

may constitute an important source of pleasure <strong>and</strong> satisfaction for women in caring<br />

roles by helping them to deal with frustration, stress, boredom, <strong>and</strong> material insecurity.

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