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Tobacco and Public Health - TCSC Indonesia

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you are subject, but this does not hold for some levels of partial ban (Borl<strong>and</strong> et al.<br />

1992) suggesting that such things as smoking rooms can be problematic.<br />

Research from industrial countries indicates that workers are more likely to be protected<br />

from ETS if they are employed in firms with 50 or more people, have a higher<br />

level of education, are female, <strong>and</strong> worked indoors. Those workers more likely to<br />

be exposed to ETS included blue-collar workers, self employed, service occupations<br />

(e.g. bar workers), <strong>and</strong> lower skill occupations which tend to have higher prevalence of<br />

smokers than higher skilled groups (Borl<strong>and</strong> et al. 1997a;Brownson et al. 2002). Larger<br />

companies are more likely to have organized occupational health <strong>and</strong> safety policies<br />

<strong>and</strong> are less likely to have policy affected by one influential person (e.g. the boss).<br />

All of the evidence points to the net effect of workplace bans being positive. The<br />

health <strong>and</strong> well-being of non-smokers (at least) is improved. In addition, the workplace<br />

is made more attractive without the unpleasant smells of tobacco smoke, <strong>and</strong><br />

cleaning costs are reduced. The only potential downside is possible loss of productivity<br />

among smokers. One of the most notable features of workplace smoking bans is the<br />

phenomenon of smokers leaving their workplace to have a cigarette (Borl<strong>and</strong> et al.<br />

1997b). This exiled smoking seems to persist <strong>and</strong> serves social as well as dependenceserving<br />

functions. While some exiled smoking occurs in work breaks, some smokers<br />

take extra breaks, which can place extra dem<strong>and</strong>s on their co-workers <strong>and</strong>/or<br />

reduce their productivity. One effect of exiled smoking is that it results in lots of workers<br />

smoking on city streets. This can create nuisance value to non-smokers exposed<br />

to the smoke, <strong>and</strong> by being so public may contribute to perception that smoking prevalence<br />

is higher than it actually is, a known risk factor for uptake among adolescents<br />

(U.S. Department of <strong>Health</strong> <strong>and</strong> Human Services 1994). It is also not clear to<br />

what extent it affects productivity of those smokers who take breaks during work<br />

time. However, some organizations have taken action to minimize such adverse effects<br />

by either banning such practices or having workers clock-off <strong>and</strong> make up the time<br />

spent.<br />

Smoking bans in other public places<br />

RON BORLAND AND CLAIRE DAVEY 717<br />

In this section we consider movement toward implementation of bans in other public<br />

places, with a special emphasis on hospitality venues.<br />

Partly because most public venues are also workplaces <strong>and</strong> partly to protect patrons,<br />

there is strong movement towards increased bans or smoking in public places. These<br />

range from shops to enclosed arcades, residential business such as hospitals <strong>and</strong> hotels,<br />

public transport, <strong>and</strong> indoor or enclosed sporting facilities. <strong>Public</strong> places such as transport,<br />

hospitals, cinemas, <strong>and</strong> theatres have commonly become smoke-free in many<br />

countries (Melihan-Cheinin <strong>and</strong> Hirsch 1997). There is very little published about<br />

bans in these areas. In some cases the implementation of bans in such places occurs in<br />

concert with legislation to ban smoking in workplaces (as most are also workplaces),

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