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Tobacco and Public Health - TCSC Indonesia

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720<br />

IMPACT OF SMOKE-FREE BANS AND RESTRICTIONS<br />

prevalence of smoke-free homes because some of the homes without bans may never<br />

the less have no smoking. Even given this, surveys consistently find that prevalence of<br />

bans in non-smoker households is higher than when there are smokers living there.<br />

Like for institutions, mere awareness of the harm has not been sufficient to motivate<br />

mass action in most places. For example, in Victoria, Australia, acceptances of the<br />

harmfulness of passive smoking was high by the mid-1980s <strong>and</strong> has risen little more<br />

since then, yet the main movement to voluntarily restrict smoking in homes did not<br />

occur until the mid-1990s (Borl<strong>and</strong> et al. 1999). The growing awareness of the harm of<br />

ETS <strong>and</strong> the benefits of clean air has shifted public attitudes on smoking from one of it<br />

being just a personal behaviour to a key social concern.<br />

At present not smoking in the home <strong>and</strong> around their children appears to have only<br />

become normative in some countries. The expectation is or was that smokers could<br />

smoke when <strong>and</strong> where they wanted to. In this context attempting to enforce a smoking<br />

ban on others was likely to have been seen as unnecessary <strong>and</strong> thus unreasonable.<br />

Further, from the perspective of smokers, even if they personally believed in the need<br />

not to smoke around others, to act on such a belief would have been seen as unusual by<br />

others. As the social climate changes, the environment becomes one where the expectation<br />

is that smokers will not smoke in their homes, or especially in those of others,<br />

<strong>and</strong> it now requires a radical stance to smoke. The patterns of change in expected<br />

behaviours have meant that it is now easy to institute bans in societies which have<br />

moved to restrictions being normative, but it is likely to be much harder where this is<br />

not yet the case.<br />

The vast majority of people (including many smokers) find ETS unpleasant, both<br />

the direct experience <strong>and</strong> the residual smell (e.g. on clothes). ETS can lead to irritation<br />

of the eyes, throat, <strong>and</strong>, in susceptible individuals, acute respiratory problems (e.g.<br />

asthma attacks). Smoking in the home causes significant mess, from dropped ash <strong>and</strong><br />

smoke settling on surfaces. This increases cleaning needs <strong>and</strong> contributes to the stale<br />

odour of rooms that have been smoked in. Drawing smokers’ attention to these effects<br />

can help them to see immediate benefits of their decisions not to smoke <strong>and</strong> will provide<br />

benefits that might not have, of themselves, justified restricting when <strong>and</strong> where<br />

smoking occurs.<br />

Engaging in ETS control behaviours at home can sometimes be inconvenient for the<br />

smoker. Smoking outside in inclement conditions can be unpleasant, as can having to<br />

interrupt valued activities to go outside. In addition, having to move away from children<br />

or other non-smokers to find somewhere to smoke can be difficult at times.<br />

Under almost all circumstances it is not desirable to have doors opened as it is likely to<br />

result in at least some of the smoke being blown back into the house. If the smoker is<br />

responsible for supervision of, for example, children, it is impossible to smoke outside<br />

if the children cannot be seen or cannot be supervised from outside (no acceptable line<br />

of sight), or where the children actively seek close contact. This analysis explains why<br />

the task of ETS exposure reduction seems to be harder for smoking parents, especially

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