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61340 Vorabseiten_e - Unabhängige Expertenkommission Schweiz

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clever policy managed not to be drawn into the war of 1939 to 1945. Switzerland<br />

was not occupied and succeeded in preserving its institutional independence as<br />

a constitutional, democratic and federal state in the midst of the Nazi sphere of<br />

influence. It remained an «observer» 1 – as Raul Hilberg stated – in the «eye of<br />

the hurricane», spared the destruction of property, as well as moral devastation.<br />

Completely encircled by the Axis powers between summer 1940 and autumn<br />

1944, it was for years threatened by an aggressively expanding Nazi Germany<br />

characterised by a racial ideology and a desire to gain «living space». The country<br />

therefore settled down into a «fortress mentality» («Reduitstellung») 2 to face an<br />

uncertain future. Swiss Legation Counsellor Robert Kohli, who was a leading<br />

figure in Swiss trade negotiations with Germany, said on 13 October 1943 when<br />

preparing an economic delegation about to depart for London: «The entire policy<br />

[...] will consist of playing for time». 3 A few days before the war ended, on 4 May<br />

1945, Heinrich Homberger, who along with Kohli was on the delegation for<br />

trade negotiations, said in an address to the Swiss Chamber of Commerce: «It is<br />

characteristic of neutrality policy that we adapt ourselves to the state of affairs,<br />

but this is subject to the proviso that we allow the situation develop.» 4 This<br />

«temporising tactic» was as widespread in the Swiss government as it was among<br />

the population, thereby giving free rein to the strong Swiss tendency to<br />

disengage themselves as a «special case» («Sonderfall») from the overall historical<br />

context, to maintain political self-sufficiency, and withdraw to the spectator’s<br />

bench of world history or – as Pierre Béguin put it approvingly in 1951 – to the<br />

«balcony overlooking Europe» («balcon sur l’Europe»). 5<br />

In another respect, however, Switzerland was anything but an observer. The<br />

standard of living of its population was heavily dependent on close economic<br />

ties with Europe and overseas, and in particular of course with neighbouring<br />

countries. After 1940, trade with Germany thus intensified considerably.<br />

Switzerland had a stable, convertible currency that was particularly attractive<br />

to a Third Reich which suffered from a perennial shortage of foreign currency.<br />

It had efficient road and rail links across the Alps to offer, which represented the<br />

shortest route between the two Axis powers, Germany and Italy. In addition,<br />

the German-speaking part of Switzerland had close intellectual and cultural<br />

links with Germany; even when they clearly distanced themselves from each<br />

other after 1933 and the gulf widened still further with the outbreak of war, the<br />

personal network did not break up completely – nor did the network that linked<br />

French-speaking Switzerland with France. Switzerland’s self-image could never<br />

eliminate these many and varied trade relationships and common interests<br />

completely. For example, in spring 1946, Ernst Speiser, director of Brown<br />

Boveri & Co. (BBC) in Baden, head of the important Federal War Industry and<br />

Labour Office (Kriegs-Industrie- und Arbeits-Amt) since 1941 and also a Radical<br />

22

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