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61340 Vorabseiten_e - Unabhängige Expertenkommission Schweiz

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25 On the «Red House» conference, which was mentioned primarily in GDR literature, see Eichholtz,<br />

Reichsministerium, 1975; early scepticism in: Schumann, Überlebensstrategie, 1979; a convincing<br />

interpretation in Roth, Vorbereitung, 1996, p. 656 and note 189.<br />

26 A fertile German source on post-war planning by German businesses is Roth, Vorbereitung, 1996.<br />

27 Some systematic data on the extent of the trade in banknotes can be found in<br />

Perrenoud/López/Adank/Baumann/Cortat/Peters, Place financière, 2002 (Publications of the ICE),<br />

section 4.2.<br />

28 Quoted from DDS, vol. 14, p. 1226; see also Perrenoud, Diplomatie, 1999, pp. 422f.<br />

29 On the situation in March 1945, when a report records that the trade increased sharply following<br />

the ban, see Perrenoud, Diplomatie, 1999, p. 423.<br />

30 ICEP, Report, 1999, pp. 103f.<br />

31 See Jung, Kreditanstalt, 2000, pp. 84f.; this gives details of thirteen suspicious accounts, but since<br />

then the bank has been able to confirm the identity of another account-holder (a defendant in the<br />

Flick trial). This account was opened after the war, and so has little effect on the picture painted in<br />

the publication.<br />

32 For details see Uhlig/Barthelmess/König/Pfaffenroth/Zeugin, Tarnung, 2001 (Publications of the<br />

ICE), section 4.4.<br />

33 Reference had already been made to the Swiss bank accounts held by these two people in Durrer,<br />

Finanzbeziehungen, 1984, p. 247.<br />

34 On the role of the embassy in Istanbul as a centre for the German gold trade, see Steinberg, Deutsche<br />

Bank, 2000, pp. 46ff.<br />

35 Balzli, Treuhänder, 1997, p. 236, already referred to this case.<br />

36 But there was a life insurance policy which had been annulled back in the early 1930s; see section 4.6<br />

included herein.<br />

37 See Bonhage/Lussy/Perrenoud, Vermögen, 2001 (Publications of the ICE), p. 59, which records a<br />

reduction of around 40% in the account monies identified, in 1943–1945. A single case, namely<br />

the withdrawal of money belonging to Oeding, and its transfer to the lawyer Wilhelm Frick, is<br />

documented in Bonhage, Bodenkreditanstalt, 2001 (Publications of the ICE).<br />

38 Ludwig, Flüchtlingspolitik, 1957, p. 315.<br />

39 It was not possible to work on all interesting cases; the career of Paul Dickopf, who arrived in<br />

Switzerland in 1942, is notable. He claimed to be an opponent of Nazism but was more likely a Nazi<br />

agent; Cf. Huonker/Ludi, Roma, 2001 (Publications of the ICE), p. 96.<br />

40 There still is a company of the same name in Switzerland, now based in Zug, but this does not have<br />

any connection with the original establishment. Imfeld, who founded this company, must have<br />

separated from his German partners before 1960; in 1980 he sold the company shell to a foreign<br />

industrial group; for more details, see Uhlig/Barthelmess/König/Pfaffenroth/Zeugin, Tarnung,<br />

2001 (Publications of the ICE), section 11.4.<br />

41 See the list in the Annex to Inglin, Krieg, 1991, pp. 323ff.<br />

42 Ritzmann, Statistik, 1996, p. 871.<br />

43 See the statements made by Kurt von Krüger of IG Farben, Nuremberg Affidavit, July 1947,<br />

printed in König, Interhandel, 2001 (Publications of the ICE), Annex 3, Document No. 15a.<br />

44 NARA, RG 239, Roberts Commission, Entry 10, Box 24, 350/77/1/02, Folder German economic<br />

penetration in Switzerland, undated report by Nicholas Milroy, Department of State, p. 27.<br />

390

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