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61340 Vorabseiten_e - Unabhängige Expertenkommission Schweiz

61340 Vorabseiten_e - Unabhängige Expertenkommission Schweiz

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informed will see more options, set different priorities, and may feel obliged by<br />

an exceptional situation to deviate from «business as usual», take special precautionary<br />

measures, or desist from certain actions. Secondly, the question of<br />

knowledge is linked to that of accountability. A person who is informed about<br />

an injustice committed and about crime taking place is confronted with an<br />

existential moral problem in a different way than someone who does not, or<br />

cannot, know anything. The acceptance or rejection of refugees, transactions<br />

involving confiscated and looted gold, trade in looted assets (securities, works<br />

of art, jewellery, postage stamps, cash assets), the payment of insurance claims<br />

to the tax authorities in the Third Reich at the policyholder’s expense, the<br />

transfer of bank deposits to the German government, the acquisition of<br />

company assets expropriated by force or traded at too low a price as part of the<br />

«Aryanisation process»: these actions have to be assessed differently depending<br />

on the state of knowledge. What could one have known, what should one have<br />

known, what must one have known?<br />

The acquisition of knowledge is a dynamic process which is dependent on the<br />

political culture of a country and associated with prevailing attitudes in a<br />

specific social and moral environment. Knowledge is not a fixed quantity but<br />

the result of caring about other people and a willingness to dare, i.e., the product<br />

of a moral endeavour. People who are sensitive to injustice will gain access to<br />

key information and translate this into actions faster than people who do not<br />

allow themselves to be troubled by moral issues in their daily lives. In this way,<br />

knowledge is created in constant recourse to action – and, conversely, ignorance<br />

is connected with a mental disposition that wants to avoid any involvement.<br />

This raises the question of what to do with this knowledge. When a report of a<br />

terrible event is received, there are people who believe it because they assume<br />

that the regime from which the news comes is capable of this kind of thing. On<br />

the basis of different experience, other people tend to regard the same information<br />

as atrocity-propaganda spread as part of psychological warfare. Another<br />

aspect is the anticipation of knowledge. When it becomes clear in retrospect<br />

what the upshot of the events unfolding really was, people will say: «I always<br />

knew» (or at least surmised). This uncertainty in turn brings to the fore the<br />

question of when the knowledge was acquired: since when was information<br />

actually available, what channels were used to disseminate it, and to what extent<br />

had it been censored? In 1933 and 1938 what could «anyone» know about the<br />

persecution of Jews and other «racially inferior» or unwelcome groups? What<br />

information was circulating at what time and among what groups about the<br />

systematic looting and the extermination camps? Are decision-makers who<br />

knew nothing (because they did not want to know) to be treated the same as<br />

those who were informed and acted against their better judgement?<br />

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