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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Electoral systems<br />

However, individuals suspected of casting a blank ballot paper could be<br />

required to confess to deliberately abstaining from voting <strong>and</strong> be penalised accordingly<br />

under the Act. 9 For instance, the Act requires the electoral commissioner to<br />

prepare a list of names of eligible voters who have not voted in a federal election; it<br />

is not far-fetched to imagine the AEC identifying individuals who confess on social<br />

media to deliberately casting a blank or otherwise informal ballot.<br />

As of 2019, the AEC has shown little appetite for such proactive penalisation.<br />

Prior to the 2010 <strong>Australian</strong> federal election, former Labor leader Mark Latham<br />

publicly announced that he would be casting a blank ballot <strong>and</strong> urged others to do<br />

likewise. 10 The AEC told media outlets reporting on these comments that Latham<br />

did not contravene the Act, either by casting a blank ballot himself or by telling<br />

others that he would do so.<br />

The second means of abstaining is to not enrol to vote. Electoral enrolment is<br />

compulsory under the Commonwealth Electoral Act 1918. TheActm<strong>and</strong>atesthat<br />

eligible voters must register themselves as voters with the AEC <strong>and</strong> maintain their<br />

enrolment by advising the AEC any time they change their residential address.<br />

Since 2012, the AEC has had legislative power to ‘directly update’ the electoral roll.<br />

This allows the AEC to identify eligible voters using data from other federal <strong>and</strong><br />

state government agencies – vehicle registration <strong>and</strong> driver licencing authorities,<br />

welfare agencies <strong>and</strong> utility providers, for example – <strong>and</strong> automatically add them<br />

to the electoral roll. The AEC notifies all individuals who are automatically added<br />

totheroll,<strong>and</strong>theseindividualshave28daysinwhichtoobject(althoughthere<br />

are almost no grounds for valid objection, besides the individual’s details being<br />

incorrect).<br />

These new powers have diminished <strong>Australian</strong>s’ ability to ‘hide’ from the AEC<br />

– <strong>and</strong> from having to vote in elections – by never enrolling to vote. Eligible voters<br />

who are directly added to the roll are not fined for having abstained previously. In<br />

2018, 96 per cent of eligible <strong>Australian</strong>s were enrolled to vote. In 2011, before the<br />

direct update legislation was introduced, only 91 per cent of eligible <strong>Australian</strong>s<br />

were enrolled. Among eligible young <strong>Australian</strong>s (those aged 18 to 25), enrolment<br />

has increased from 73 per cent in 2011 to 85 per cent in 2018. Direct updating<br />

reversed a trend of declining voter enrolments generally, but particularly among<br />

young <strong>Australian</strong>s. At the beginning of 2019, approximately two-thirds of all<br />

electoral enrolment in Australia occurs via direct update of the roll.<br />

Majoritarian <strong>and</strong> consensual electoral systems<br />

There are many common ways of categorising <strong>and</strong> describing electoral systems,<br />

but most approaches identify three broad types based on the type of government<br />

9 Twomey 1996, 210.<br />

10 Pringle 2012.<br />

91

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