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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Social policy<br />

<strong>and</strong> evidence around different options, undertaking consultation, <strong>and</strong> providing<br />

information <strong>and</strong> advice to elected officials about possible courses of action. In<br />

Australia, elected officials then have the final decision-making power over government<br />

social policy; it is up to members of parliament <strong>and</strong> Cabinet to decide which<br />

policies are to be pursued, how, when <strong>and</strong> why.<br />

Non-stateactorsalsohaveanimportantroletoplayinshaping,delivering<strong>and</strong><br />

sometimes also designing social policy. For instance, they may:<br />

• seek to influence the focus <strong>and</strong> development of government social policy<br />

through advocacy, lobbying, <strong>and</strong> participation in consultation<br />

• deliver government-led/designed social policy, particularly through new public<br />

management (NPM) contracting arrangements<br />

• initiate <strong>and</strong> develop social policy themselves, either with or without the<br />

involvement of the state.<br />

Processes for making social policy will inevitably differ between these groups.<br />

There are, however, recognised st<strong>and</strong>ard processes for policy making in the public<br />

sector – often articulated through the concept of policy ‘cycles’. 35 Althaus,<br />

Bridgman <strong>and</strong> Davis’ <strong>Australian</strong> ‘policy cycle’ proposes eight stages of policy<br />

development: (1) issue identification, (2) policy analysis, (3) policy instruments, (4)<br />

consultation, (5) co-ordination, (6) decision making, (7) implementation, <strong>and</strong> (8)<br />

evaluation. The authors argue that policy makers do not necessarily step through<br />

thesestagesconsecutively,butthatthepolicyprocessmayinsteadbehaphazard:a<br />

kind of ‘policy dance’. 36<br />

Others have critiqued the <strong>Australian</strong> ‘policy cycle’ on the basis that it represents<br />

an overly technocratic view of policy making <strong>and</strong> does not adequately grapple with<br />

the complexities of real life, including political dimensions <strong>and</strong> other constraints. 37<br />

Indeed, the process of identifying <strong>and</strong> framing social policy ‘issues’, choosing which<br />

issues dem<strong>and</strong> a response (<strong>and</strong> which do not), identifying <strong>and</strong> interpreting evidence,<br />

<strong>and</strong> making recommendations is inevitably political, dem<strong>and</strong>ing a series of<br />

subjective <strong>and</strong> collective value judgements. Below, we turn to two aspects of this<br />

process – the role of evidence, <strong>and</strong> the cyclical <strong>and</strong> iterative nature of policy making<br />

– to illustrate its somewhat messy nature.<br />

Evidence-informed social policy<br />

As indicated by the ‘analysis’ <strong>and</strong> ‘evaluation’ steps of the <strong>Australian</strong> policy cycle,<br />

social policy is not merely the end product of a contest between different<br />

ideological perspectives. It is also influenced <strong>and</strong> informed by empirical evidence.<br />

Although this is not a new concept, it gained prominence with the growth of the<br />

35 Althaus, Bridgman <strong>and</strong> Davis 2018; Lasswell 1951.<br />

36 Althaus, Bridgman <strong>and</strong> Davis 2018; Edwards 2017.<br />

37 For example, see Colebatch 2006; Howlett <strong>and</strong> Ramesh 2003.<br />

693

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