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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Health policy<br />

using indicators of risk, charge according to those indicators. Someone with a safe<br />

driving record pays a lower premium than someone with a string of accidents <strong>and</strong><br />

offences. This practice is known as ‘risk rating’.<br />

But risk rating for health insurance would be extremely difficult because for<br />

many high-cost contingencies there are no clear risk indicators: debilitating<br />

conditions such as cancer can occur without any prior indicators.<br />

The other main problem with risk-rated health insurance is political unacceptability.<br />

Private insurers would set prohibitively high premiums for older people,<br />

<strong>and</strong> could refuse to cover people who have pre-existing chronic conditions, who<br />

work in hazardous occupations or who have known risk factors. This would be<br />

unacceptable by most people’s norms of social justice, remembering that the poor<br />

are often those with highest health care needs.<br />

Therefore, through political processes that override market mechanisms,<br />

governments generally intervene to achieve what is known as ‘community rating’<br />

for health insurance. That is a system where there is partial or complete equalisation<br />

of insurance premiums across the community, or even forms of subsidies from<br />

thosewithlowneedstothosewithhighneeds.<br />

Government-financed ‘single-payer’ systems, such as those in the Nordic<br />

countries, the UK <strong>and</strong> Canada, achieve community rating through their taxation<br />

systems. In terms of administrative costs these are by far the most efficient systems,<br />

because they tap into the scale economies <strong>and</strong> powers of compulsion of the taxation<br />

system, <strong>and</strong> to the extent that their taxation systems are progressive they achieve an<br />

equitabledistributionofhealthcarefinancing.<br />

Achieving community rating through private insurance is more difficult.<br />

Private insurers incur high administrative costs, including the costs of competing<br />

for customers, <strong>and</strong> the regulations that are designed to achieve community rating<br />

are complex, often leading to perverse incentives.<br />

Public or private insurance<br />

Itmayseemoddthatmanygovernmentsshouldchoosetouseprivateinsuranceto<br />

do what the tax <strong>and</strong> public expenditure system, with all its controls <strong>and</strong> accountability,<br />

can do more efficiently <strong>and</strong> equitably. When private health insurance is<br />

compulsory (as in Japan <strong>and</strong> the Netherl<strong>and</strong>s), or highly subsidised <strong>and</strong> incentivised<br />

(asinAustralia),itcanbeconsideredasa‘privatisedtax’.Intermsoftheimpacton<br />

people’s pockets, there is little difference between a tax collected by a body such as<br />

the <strong>Australian</strong> Taxation Office <strong>and</strong> a compulsory or near-compulsory payment to<br />

ahealthinsurer:acutinofficialtaxesmaybemorethanoffsetbyariseinprivate<br />

health insurance premiums.<br />

The explanation lies partially in the politics of public accounting. Governments<br />

areoftendrivenbyasimplisticagendaofkeepingtaxes(officialtaxesasrevealed<br />

in public budgets) low, <strong>and</strong> politically it is easier to blame private insurers for high<br />

<strong>and</strong> rising premiums.<br />

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