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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

argued for the self-reliant defence of the <strong>Australian</strong> continent in two ways: treating<br />

geography as an independent variable with an enduring effect on Australia’s<br />

strategic interests; <strong>and</strong> that Australia should maintain a regional technological<br />

edge. 30 These ideas were meant to discipline defence planners: Australia could<br />

contribute to overseas deployments with allies, but had to prioritise a military<br />

geared towards the air <strong>and</strong> sea defence of Australia’s northern approaches <strong>and</strong><br />

relative de-emphasis upon the traditional prioritisation of the army.<br />

Critics argue that there is a disjuncture between continental defence <strong>and</strong> what<br />

the ADF actually does. 31 The liberal internationalist nature of Australia’s strategic<br />

culture has been reflected in its deployments <strong>and</strong> security priorities against global<br />

jihadism, humanitarian intervention, <strong>and</strong> providing backing to failing states in<br />

Afghanistan, Iraq, Timor Leste or the Solomon Isl<strong>and</strong>s. Such issues permeated<br />

the 2003 Defence Update. 32 More recent white papers have been criticised for<br />

planning a force structure that is too thin to credibly deter a rising China from<br />

operating in areas of strategic interest to Australia’s north, even with new capability<br />

upgrades like the F35 joint strike fighter <strong>and</strong> the planned doubling of submarine<br />

capabilities. 33 Howtodealwiththeseproblemshasyettobefullyresolved.The<br />

2016 Defence White Paper’s prioritisation of a ‘stable Indo-Pacific region <strong>and</strong> a<br />

rules-based global order’ 34 demonstrates how far removed current <strong>Australian</strong><br />

strategic thinking is from actual continental defence. Such debates reflect the<br />

changing regional balance of power.<br />

Given these facts, the size of the defence budget, the affordability of defence<br />

procurements, the question of value-for-money when purchasing interoperable<br />

defence capabilities from alliance partners, <strong>and</strong> even the effective deliverability of<br />

an <strong>Australian</strong> defence industry, come to the fore as crucial issues for policy makers.<br />

Defence is a department that ultimately needs to compete with other departments<br />

for government funding <strong>and</strong> against cutbacks. Further, policy makers must balance<br />

these strategic aims with domestic political contests, as the recent decision to build<br />

new submarines in South Australia at considerable additional cost demonstrates.<br />

Addressing these competing priorities will continue to confront defence chiefs <strong>and</strong><br />

their ministers in the future.<br />

Non-traditional security challenges<br />

The ‘almost complete alignment of Australia’s foreign policy priorities with its<br />

national security agenda’ 35 reflects a broadened definition of ‘security’ 36 <strong>and</strong> the<br />

30 Dibb 2006.<br />

31 Evans 2005, 105.<br />

32 Dupont 2003.<br />

33 White 2019; White 2006.<br />

34 Department of Defence 2016, 33.<br />

35 Wesley 2012, 264.<br />

36 Buzan 1991.<br />

590

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