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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Urban policy<br />

length state agencies, which distance major projects from local accountability. The<br />

influence of international examples such as the redevelopment of Baltimore’s Inner<br />

Harbor in the USA <strong>and</strong> London’s Dockl<strong>and</strong>s in the UK are evident in Australia.<br />

In Sydney, the redevelopment of Darling Harbour was overseen by a development<br />

authority established in 1984, <strong>and</strong> the current central city waterfront redevelopment<br />

is being led by a New South Wales (NSW) state agency, the Barangaroo Delivery<br />

Authority, created in 2009.<br />

Theories of urban policy<br />

The ongoing tension between equity <strong>and</strong> efficiency goals is fundamental to debates<br />

about urban politics <strong>and</strong> policy. Two broad theoretical positions aid underst<strong>and</strong>ing.<br />

The first focuses on the role of cities in processes of social reproduction, <strong>and</strong> the<br />

second emphasises cities’ role in processes of production or in realising profits from<br />

property development.<br />

Neo-Marxist debates of the 1970s stressed the role of cities in social reproduction<br />

<strong>and</strong> collective consumption, or the delivery of services <strong>and</strong> goods – including those<br />

which are or can be collectively consumed, such as transport, education, health care<br />

<strong>and</strong>housing–bythestatetosupportthereproductionoflabourpower.<strong>Politics</strong>stems<br />

from the struggle between those propagating profit-seeking <strong>and</strong> those favouring<br />

welfare via state support for collective good provision. For Manuel Castells, 10 the lives<br />

of many poor people in urban society are shaped by crises of collective consumption,<br />

referring to the unaffordable nature of many goods <strong>and</strong> services necessary for their<br />

sustenance. Collectively consumed goods <strong>and</strong> services, such as public transport <strong>and</strong><br />

policing, which involve the majority of households <strong>and</strong> especially wealthier groups<br />

able to mobilise <strong>and</strong> be heard, tend to generate more public awareness. In contrast,<br />

those allocated on the basis of need, such as public housing, <strong>and</strong> reliant on poorer<br />

groups’ <strong>and</strong> their advocates’ ability to mobilise <strong>and</strong> be heard, tend to figure lower on<br />

the political agenda. 11<br />

A second set of theories originating in the USA argues that the focus of urban<br />

politics is economic growth <strong>and</strong> the realisation of profit through l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong> property<br />

development. Growth coalition theory 12 sees policy as part of the exercise of elite<br />

power around economic growth objectives, with the city as ‘growth machine’. Urban<br />

regime theory 13 refines this, arguing that power is fragmented <strong>and</strong> that regimes<br />

arise between local governments <strong>and</strong> private actors that need to combine power<br />

<strong>and</strong> resources to be able to devise <strong>and</strong> enact a policy agenda. These theories, which<br />

identify urban policy as a mechanism that seeks to promote economic growth <strong>and</strong><br />

10 Castells 1978.<br />

11 Cochrane 2007.<br />

12 Logan <strong>and</strong> Molotch 1987.<br />

13 Stone 1989.<br />

713

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