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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

process of making <strong>and</strong> implementing plans, or as part of an administrative,<br />

managerial function of government, a critical approach to urban policy entails<br />

underst<strong>and</strong>ing that (as with all forms of state intervention) it is inherently political.<br />

<strong>Policy</strong>, planning <strong>and</strong> governance arrangements for the urban reflect political contestation<br />

<strong>and</strong> conflict between actors <strong>and</strong> interest groups with different levels of<br />

power <strong>and</strong> different stakes in the city. These actors <strong>and</strong> interest groups, comprising<br />

the federal, state <strong>and</strong> local levels of government, corporate interests <strong>and</strong> l<strong>and</strong>owners,<br />

as well as social movements, residents <strong>and</strong> community-based organisations, shape<br />

urban policy.<br />

Urban policy requires underst<strong>and</strong>ing of the underlying rationales for state<br />

interventions <strong>and</strong> how these are contested by different interests seeking to assert<br />

their vision for a city <strong>and</strong> to create <strong>and</strong> implement policy agendas guided by this<br />

vision. In other words, while urban policy is characterised by policy objectives that<br />

purportedly seek to enhance the quality of life of those living in cities, it propagates<br />

specific values <strong>and</strong> visions for the city. In turn, the social construction of ‘the<br />

urban problem’ that policy makers are trying to address has implications for what<br />

policies are developed <strong>and</strong> implemented. Two kinds of challenges remain constant:<br />

enabling the social reproduction of urban residents (the ability to reproduce the<br />

means for people to live) <strong>and</strong> managing growth (including planning, l<strong>and</strong> use<br />

<strong>and</strong> redevelopment). Much debate occurs around what should be the overriding<br />

priority of urban policy: equity (social redistribution) or efficiency (economic<br />

growth). 8 Equity goals suggest that everyone ought to be provided with equal<br />

opportunity to access jobs, goods, services <strong>and</strong> amenities. Efficiency goals justify<br />

urban policies that support urban economies by making the best use of l<strong>and</strong> <strong>and</strong><br />

infrastructure to enhance productivity <strong>and</strong> wealth creation.<br />

From 1945 until the late 1970s, equity concerns shaped policy in many Western<br />

countries, with high levels of state intervention in the economy <strong>and</strong> society, including<br />

provision of public housing, education, transport <strong>and</strong> infrastructure, along with<br />

redistributive income support programs. But since the late 1970s, urban policy has<br />

been primarily influenced by efficiency criteria, with a shift towards the pursuit<br />

of private-sector-led strategies of wealth creation, or what David Harvey 9 terms<br />

urban entrepreneurialism. Thus political commitment has shifted from government<br />

investment in public infrastructure <strong>and</strong> public control of significant assets to the<br />

sale of assets <strong>and</strong> their control <strong>and</strong> management by quasi-governmental <strong>and</strong> privatesector<br />

agencies as well as the outsourcing of service delivery to private or thirdsector<br />

providers. What some term a neoliberal political agenda, which aligns with<br />

the practices of new public management, has promoted policies of privatisation,<br />

fee-based services <strong>and</strong> a general rollback of government’s social welfare function.<br />

For example, in terms of major urban redevelopment of former industrial areas, a<br />

common approach is the creation of special purpose districts managed by arms-<br />

8 Edwards <strong>and</strong> Imrie 2015.<br />

9 Harvey 1989.<br />

712

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