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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Gender <strong>and</strong> sexuality in <strong>Australian</strong> politics<br />

For scholars of gender <strong>and</strong> sexuality, representation is not just numerical (or<br />

‘descriptive’)butalsosubstantive.Thismeansthatthereneedstobeadistinction<br />

betweensimplyhavingawomanorLGBTIQ+personinapositionofpower<br />

(numerical representation) <strong>and</strong> that representative addressing issues <strong>and</strong> adopting<br />

political positions that advance the goals of feminist <strong>and</strong> LGBTIQ+ activism<br />

(substantive representation). Many women politicians, for example, share socially<br />

conservative positions that are opposed to feminist <strong>and</strong> LGBTIQ+ activism; yet<br />

their participation as visibly feminine people in politics is still significant in itself.<br />

Feminist <strong>and</strong> queer scholarship has sought to define what difference representation<br />

makes – <strong>and</strong> could make – without assuming that underlying dynamics are<br />

automatically shifted by numerical representation.<br />

There is evidence that numerical representation enables substantive representation,<br />

such as the collective action of women in parliament across party lines on<br />

reproductive rights during the deliberations on a drug used for medical abortions. 61<br />

Women <strong>and</strong> LGBTIQ+ people being present in decision making affects what issues<br />

are prioritised <strong>and</strong> brings knowledge about marginalised problems <strong>and</strong> experiences<br />

into decision making. But this does not happen in the absence of countervailing<br />

forces, especially existing norms <strong>and</strong> male-majority representation, but also (at<br />

times) harassment, political violence <strong>and</strong> more subtle forms of marginalisation<br />

<strong>and</strong> exclusion. The diversity of women <strong>and</strong> LGBTIQ+ people is also not yet well<br />

addressed in scholarship on representation or in advocacy for greater representation.<br />

There is a growing underst<strong>and</strong>ing that the category ‘women’ is, in itself,<br />

important, but needs to be used in a more disaggregated <strong>and</strong> nuanced form also<br />

addressing race, class, migration status <strong>and</strong> disability.<br />

Gender representation often tends to be seen as seeking parity in binary terms,<br />

encompassing the two genders that are taken to compose humanity: male <strong>and</strong><br />

female.ManonTremblaynotes,though,that‘theFrenchconceptofparité…is<br />

deeply heterosexist’, <strong>and</strong> human beings cannot be reduced in this way: ‘Things are<br />

much more complex’. 62<br />

Representation in parliaments <strong>and</strong> Cabinets<br />

Practices of assessing parliamentary gender representation in simple terms are<br />

now well established. In October 2019, 30.46 per cent of <strong>Australian</strong> House of<br />

Representatives members were women, placing Australia 47th in the world. 63<br />

Representation differed between the two houses of parliament, with 50 per cent<br />

womenintheSenate. 64 While analysis of LGBTIQ+ representation has not yet been<br />

published for the 2019 election, in 2016 LGBTI representation stood at 3 per cent in<br />

61 Sawer 2012.<br />

62 Tremblay 2019, 108.<br />

63 Inter-Parliamentary Union 2019.<br />

64 Parliament of Australia 2019.<br />

363

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