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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Electoral systems<br />

government’s four terms that the two parties had governed together. The parties<br />

share little common ideological ground, with each compromising considerably on<br />

a range of policies in order to produce a workable coalition agreement.<br />

While the ensuing ‘gr<strong>and</strong> coalition’ represents a large portion of the German<br />

left–right political spectrum, we also expect it to be relatively unstable. Either or both<br />

parties might choose to dismantle the coalition (likely causing new elections to be<br />

held), rather than continue to compromise on so many issues <strong>and</strong> support policies<br />

that are a long ideological distance from their usual position. Where parties are closer<br />

in terms of their ideological <strong>and</strong> policy preferences, they both (or all, in the case of<br />

larger coalitions) have greater interest in maintaining the coalition <strong>and</strong> staying in<br />

government. 14 We also know from the German case that individuals who had voted<br />

for c<strong>and</strong>idates from ‘gr<strong>and</strong> coalition’ member parties are less likely to vote for those<br />

parties in subsequent elections. 15 In other words, they punish parties for entering <strong>and</strong><br />

governing in coalitions with other large, ideologically dissimilar parties.<br />

In this way, consensual political systems face the opposite dilemma to<br />

majoritarian systems. They provide high levels of representation by opening up<br />

government <strong>and</strong> ministerial appointments to more than one party (<strong>and</strong> often to<br />

parties representing a large range of ideological views). On the other h<strong>and</strong>, parties<br />

can withdraw from a coalition agreement at any time, causing the government<br />

to collapse <strong>and</strong> new elections to be held. Accordingly, consensual systems can<br />

see more voters changing their mind between elections, <strong>and</strong> higher rates of<br />

government turnover <strong>and</strong> of parties emerging <strong>and</strong> dying.<br />

While specific forms of majoritarian electoral systems are rather straightforward<br />

<strong>and</strong> few in number, there are many ways of electing consensual governments, with a<br />

large range of complexity. The most common electoral system producing consensual<br />

outcomes is called partylistvoting. In party list systems, parties are allocated a<br />

percentage of seats based on the percentage of votes they receive. The closer the<br />

percentage of votes won to the percentage of seats won, the more proportional<br />

a system is. Depending on whether an electoral threshold is used in a party list<br />

system, parties might be required to win a certain percentage of votes before they<br />

areawardedaseat.Further,themeansbywhich‘remainders’aredistributed(e.g.if<br />

a party wins 38 per cent of votes in a ten-seat division, they will only be allocated<br />

three seats <strong>and</strong> 8 per cent of the total votes are ‘remainders’) will contribute to system<br />

proportionality. However, these are secondary concerns.<br />

Imagine an electoral division with ten seats vacant. Each party nominates a<br />

list of c<strong>and</strong>idates for election, with a maximum of ten c<strong>and</strong>idates (because, in<br />

theunlikelyeventthatthepartywins100percentofthevote,thereareonly<br />

enough seats for ten c<strong>and</strong>idates). The most successful party, the fictional Centrist<br />

Conservatives, wins 30 per cent of the vote <strong>and</strong> is awarded three seats. In a closed<br />

partylistsystem, parties determine the order of c<strong>and</strong>idates on the list, meaning<br />

14 Powell <strong>and</strong> Powell Jr 2000.<br />

15 Banaszak <strong>and</strong> Doerschler 2012.<br />

97

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