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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

conventions in the same year, which resulted in two statements: the Kalkarindji<br />

Statement of August <strong>and</strong> the Batchelor Statement of December. The message from<br />

both statements was clear: there would be no discussion about statehood unless<br />

Aboriginal Territorians were consulted <strong>and</strong> included in negotiations. 35<br />

Meanwhile, a referendum on statehood was held on 3 October 1998 <strong>and</strong><br />

narrowly lost, with a 51.31 per cent ‘no’ vote. Aboriginal people voted in a solid<br />

bloc against the proposition. Three questions had been recommended by the<br />

constitutional convention, but Chief Minister Shane Stone rolled them into this<br />

single question, as Smith describes:<br />

Now that a constitution for a state of the NT has been recommended by the<br />

statehoodconvention<strong>and</strong>endorsedbytheNTparliament,doyouagreethatwe<br />

shouldbecomeastate?<br />

The ‘constitution’ referred to in the referendum question provided for the<br />

Premier to sack the Governor, which would render a Governor little more than<br />

a public servant <strong>and</strong> would potentially establish the state of the NT as a benign<br />

dictatorship. 36<br />

The ALP resurrected the idea in 2003, after its election in 2001, with bipartisan<br />

support. Despite considerable expense <strong>and</strong> an extraordinary amount of work, the<br />

matter lapsed in 2016 after political wrangling about the timing of an election for<br />

a fresh constitutional convention. Chief Minister Adam Giles raised the issue at<br />

the Council of <strong>Australian</strong> Governments in 2016, when the idea was supported in<br />

principle <strong>and</strong> the onus returned to the NT to formulate a proposal. The matter has<br />

not seriously resurfaced since.<br />

Conclusions<br />

The NT enjoys a peculiar position in the <strong>Australian</strong> federation, but essentially<br />

functions as a state to the extent that the Self-Government Act allows. Friction<br />

arises – usually resulting in debates about ‘states rights’ – when the Commonwealth<br />

intervenes in NT matters, as was the case with the Euthanasia Laws Act 1997 <strong>and</strong><br />

the Intervention.<br />

The NT is characterised by intergenerational Aboriginal disadvantage, giving<br />

rise to complex social problems requiring considered <strong>and</strong> enduring policy responses,<br />

which, in turn, require significant funding. Principal among these are<br />

generations of Territorians suffering from foetal alcohol spectrum disorder.<br />

Commonwealth funding arrangements, particularly in the area of Aboriginal<br />

disadvantage, have been contentious since the advent of self-government. Similarly,<br />

35 Smith 2008, 265.<br />

36 Smith 2008, 264. See also Smith 2013, 27.<br />

242

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