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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

commercial stations, <strong>and</strong> to track the take-up of digital receivers <strong>and</strong> assist lowincome<br />

consumers; <strong>and</strong> legislative changes were made to remove some of the<br />

original constraints <strong>and</strong> impositions on broadcasters <strong>and</strong> others. Analogue TV<br />

transmissions were eventually switched off progressively from 2010 to 2013 <strong>and</strong><br />

vacated spectrum was reallocated. Total revenue from the sale of that ‘digital<br />

dividend’ spectrum was $3.7 billion in 2018/19 dollars, $1.3 billion more than<br />

the total government expenditure outlaid to make the whole project happen. The<br />

experience provided at least three lessons for communications policy. It showed<br />

that a long-term government policy project could be undertaken, <strong>and</strong> achieve its<br />

major objectives, despite considerable disagreement over the detail. It also showed<br />

how much past policy decisions (in this case, about spectrum allocation) shape<br />

future possibilities, <strong>and</strong> the potential benefits <strong>and</strong> conceptual difficulties of early<br />

cost–benefit analysis, which was done in some countries but not Australia. 37<br />

These two examples demonstrate both the possibilities <strong>and</strong> the limits to radical<br />

policy action. Established institutions, infrastructure <strong>and</strong> people exert profound<br />

influence over policy decisions, especially through often long-running processes of<br />

transition from the old to the new.<br />

Federal, state, local <strong>and</strong> international interactions<br />

Communications is generally seen as a federal government responsibility in<br />

Australia. Using its constitutional power to make laws about ‘postal, telegraphic,<br />

telephonic, <strong>and</strong> other like services’, 38 the body of law that began in 1901 with<br />

post, telegraphs <strong>and</strong> telephones soon exp<strong>and</strong>ed to cover wireless telegraphy. Radio<br />

broadcasting was initially regulated as a form of wireless in the 1920s <strong>and</strong> 1930s<br />

before specific legislation was passed, first to create the <strong>Australian</strong> Broadcasting<br />

Commission in 1932 <strong>and</strong> then to regulate radio <strong>and</strong> later television broadcasting as<br />

awhole.HighCourtcasesconfirmedthattheconstitutionalpowerencompassed<br />

these novel forms of communication, while leaving some doubt about pre-existing<br />

forms, especially printed media. 39<br />

Three principal statutes now cover telecommunications, radiocommunications<br />

(including the allocation of spectrum for mobile telephony <strong>and</strong> broadb<strong>and</strong>) <strong>and</strong><br />

broadcasting services. The power has also been used to make other federal laws; for<br />

example, prohibiting tobacco advertising from the 1970s, <strong>and</strong> to restrict interactive<br />

gambling from the early 2000s. The Constitution also empowers the Commonwealth<br />

to make laws about intellectual property, which it began to do in 1905 when<br />

the first copyright legislation was passed. 40 By ‘covering the field’ in these areas, the<br />

37 Given 2018.<br />

38 Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act 1900 (Cth), section 51(v).<br />

39 See La Nauze 1968.<br />

40 Section 51(xviii) of the Constitution covers ‘copyrights, patents of inventions <strong>and</strong> designs, <strong>and</strong><br />

trade marks’.<br />

534

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