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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

by the end of the war it had constructed a “welfare state”’. 9 This was partly prompted<br />

by the formation in 1941 of a Joint Parliamentary Committee on Social Security<br />

by the Menzies government (1939–41), which reviewed existing social policies <strong>and</strong><br />

recommended new measures to improve postwar life. 10<br />

A series of new social policies were introduced during <strong>and</strong> in the aftermath<br />

of the Second World War, including widows’ pensions, uniform income tax in<br />

1942, <strong>and</strong> the National Welfare Fund in 1943–44, which funded the national<br />

unemployment benefit. 11 The provision of national unemployment benefits was,<br />

at least in part, a response to the anticipated demobilisation of military personnel<br />

in the post–Second World War period. 12 However, the benefits were means-tested<br />

ratherthanuniversal–acontrasttotheapproachthentakeninBritain. 13<br />

In 1945, then-Treasurer (<strong>and</strong> later prime minister from 1945–49) Ben Chifley<br />

referred to Australia’s growing social security system as a safety net much like that<br />

usedbyatrapezeartist:‘Thenetisnot,ofcourse,partofthemainshow…The<br />

more competent the performer, the less the net will be used’. 14 The underpinning<br />

belief was that the best form of welfare was a job <strong>and</strong>, thus, the emphasis was on<br />

ensuring equal access to fair employment. The social security system was perceived<br />

as a ‘fall-back’ measure only. It is for this reason that Australia’s postwar welfare<br />

state came to be characterised in the literature as ‘a wage earner’s welfare state’, or<br />

morepreciselygiventhenatureofthelabourmarketduringthisperiod‘awhite,<br />

male wage earner’s welfare state’. 15<br />

During the 1950s <strong>and</strong> 1960s, there was only incremental social policy reform,<br />

perhaps in part because of very strong employment throughout the period. 16 This<br />

preceded further widespread expansion of the welfare state during the 1970s, when<br />

unemployment rates began to increase with the 1974 global recession. 17 A series of<br />

inquiries was also initiated to examine social welfare, including the Commission<br />

of Inquiry into Poverty in Australia, or the ‘Henderson Inquiry’, established by the<br />

McMahon Coalition government (1971–72) <strong>and</strong> whose terms of reference were<br />

later exp<strong>and</strong>ed under the Whitlam Labor government (1972–75). Following this<br />

(<strong>and</strong> other) public inquiries, a raft of changes were implemented, which had the<br />

effect of moving welfare from being viewed as residual, as per Chifley’s description,<br />

to becoming a fundamental aspect of citizenship. 18<br />

The Whitlam government’s reforms were undertaken on the basis that<br />

domestic social policy should focus on achieving a more ‘just’ <strong>and</strong> ‘liveable’<br />

9 Shaver 1987, 411.<br />

10 Shaver 1987.<br />

11 Marston, McDonald <strong>and</strong> Bryson 2014; Watts 1999, 92.<br />

12 Dollery <strong>and</strong> Webster 1995.<br />

13 Smyth 2011.<br />

14 Chifley in Smyth 2012.<br />

15 Bryson 1992; Castles 1985.<br />

16 Regan 2014.<br />

17 Gregory 2004.<br />

18 Smyth 2011.<br />

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