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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

they produce. Drawing on Norris <strong>and</strong> Lijphart, 11 we can distinguish between three<br />

electoral ‘families’: majoritarian, mixed <strong>and</strong> consensual. This section will begin<br />

by defining <strong>and</strong> describing majoritarian democracies <strong>and</strong> the types of electoral<br />

systems that produce ‘winner takes all’ governments. Next, it will discuss consensual<br />

democracies <strong>and</strong> the electoral systems that produce governments where<br />

two or more parties share power in coalition. Finally, it will discuss democracies<br />

that fall somewhere between majoritarian <strong>and</strong> consensual.<br />

Majoritarian (or ‘winner takes all’) systems<br />

In <strong>Australian</strong> federal elections, we vote for c<strong>and</strong>idates st<strong>and</strong>ing for two different<br />

houses: the House of Representatives (lower house) <strong>and</strong> the Senate (upper house).<br />

Whichever party or group of parties wins a majority of seats in the House of<br />

Representatives is, according to the Constitution of Australia <strong>and</strong> convention since<br />

1901, given the opportunity to form a government. Much more often than not, one<br />

party (or in the case of the Liberal–National Coalition [the Coalition], a formal<br />

alliance of parties) gets to form a government in its own right. Why? And relatedly,<br />

why do the Coalition <strong>and</strong> <strong>Australian</strong> Labor Party (ALP) have such a stranglehold<br />

on government in Australia?<br />

The answers lie in Australia’s system of electing one person to represent each<br />

electoral division in the country. In electoral terms, Australia’s House of Representatives<br />

has a ‘district magnitude’ of one (i.e. one member per electoral division).<br />

For example, in the seat of Fenner in the <strong>Australian</strong> Capital Territory (ACT), the<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idatewhowinsthemajorityofthevoteiselected.Asecond-placedc<strong>and</strong>idate–<br />

even if they attract 49.99 per cent of the final vote – wins nothing.<br />

There are two specific electoral systems that produce majoritarian governments.<br />

The first is plurality, or ‘first past the post’, voting. This is the most straightforward<br />

way of voting, both in terms of the voter recording their preferred c<strong>and</strong>idate <strong>and</strong> for<br />

electoral commission staff counting votes at the end of election day. Used in the UK<br />

<strong>and</strong> in most US elections, plurality voting requires voters to choose their favourite<br />

among all listed c<strong>and</strong>idates. They do not need to rank c<strong>and</strong>idates; depending on the<br />

jurisdiction they can use a cross, a number ‘1’ or a tick to designate their chosen<br />

c<strong>and</strong>idate. The simplicity of plurality voting helps to include non-native-language<br />

speakers <strong>and</strong> those with low literacy in the electoral process.<br />

On the other h<strong>and</strong>, plurality voting results in the most disproportionate<br />

electoral outcomes of any voting system. Imagine an electorate in London in which<br />

50.001 per cent of voters choose one c<strong>and</strong>idate, Jane Smith. In the unlikely event<br />

that all of Jane Smith’s votes were counted first, there would be no need to ever<br />

count the other 49.999 per cent of votes. In an electorate of 100,000 voters, 49,999<br />

votes would not even need to be counted; we could declare the winner based on<br />

the total votes for Jane Smith. Therefore, 49,999 voters would have left their homes,<br />

11 Lijphart 1994; Norris 2004.<br />

92

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