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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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<strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Politics</strong> <strong>and</strong> <strong>Policy</strong><br />

Fairfax Media by Nine Entertainment Corporation was justified as a merger of<br />

old newspaper <strong>and</strong> TV assets to create a media company for the future, but it<br />

was also an opportunistic acquisition of the currently faster-growing Domain (real<br />

estate advertising) <strong>and</strong> Stan (video streaming) businesses at a moment of ‘elevated<br />

valuation’ of Nine’s stock. 9<br />

The tech giants that have risen to such prominence in the communications<br />

<strong>and</strong> media l<strong>and</strong>scape – Facebook, Apple, Amazon, Netflix <strong>and</strong> Google/Alphabet,<br />

the so-called FAANGs, as well as the durable Microsoft – are based overseas,<br />

unlike so many of the telecommunications, television <strong>and</strong> newspaper companies<br />

that dominated in Australia in the second half of the 20th century. Traditional<br />

measures of the scale of foreign involvement in domestic markets, like ‘foreign<br />

direct investment’ <strong>and</strong> numbers of local employees, are not good proxies for the<br />

level of influence achieved by US-based platforms. A large part of their power arises<br />

from the data they are able to collect <strong>and</strong> analyse about their users. This data has<br />

itself become an economic resource, ‘the oil of the digital era’. Some argue it has<br />

changed the nature of competition so fundamentally that it necessitates a ‘radical<br />

rethink’ of competition policy. 10 Atthesametime,thecorporatebehemothsofthe<br />

formal ‘data economy’ borrow from <strong>and</strong> interact with an informal economy of usergenerated<br />

content, open source software, crowd-funded projects, unremunerated<br />

labour <strong>and</strong> organisational cross-subsidies. 11 The scale <strong>and</strong> sophistication of the<br />

data <strong>and</strong> analytical tools promise new levels of knowledge for policy makers, while<br />

the complexity of online <strong>and</strong> offline behaviour reinforces the fundamental<br />

unknowability of social practices. 12<br />

Actors <strong>and</strong> politics of the domain<br />

The <strong>Australian</strong> <strong>Policy</strong> H<strong>and</strong>book’s summary of the institutions of <strong>Australian</strong> public<br />

policy lists various elements of government (the executive, the Cabinet, public<br />

servants, ministerial advisers) <strong>and</strong> opposition, the ‘third sector’, the ‘fourth estate’,<br />

social movements, lobbyists <strong>and</strong> stakeholders. 13 In communications, several<br />

specific institutions deserve particular attention. Publicly funded regulators (the<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> Communications <strong>and</strong> Media Authority, the <strong>Australian</strong> Competition <strong>and</strong><br />

Consumer Commission) <strong>and</strong> industry-funded complaints-h<strong>and</strong>ling organisations<br />

(the Telecommunications Industry Ombudsman, the <strong>Australian</strong> Press Council)<br />

play significant roles. The prevalence of state-funded organisations, discussed in<br />

the next section, means governments still play a major role in providing<br />

communications services as well as regulating service providers. The fourth estate,<br />

9 Hewett 2018.<br />

10 ‘The world’s most valuable resource’ 2017.<br />

11 Lobato <strong>and</strong> Thomas 2015.<br />

12 Given 2012.<br />

13 Althaus, Bridgman <strong>and</strong> Davis 2018, 18–31.<br />

526

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