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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Social policy<br />

Under the CDP, participants are required to attend frequent appointments with<br />

their service provider, actively look for jobs, <strong>and</strong> undertake up to 25 hours of workfor-the-dole<br />

activities per week. If participants do not comply with program rules,<br />

they can have their welfare income suspended until they re-engage.<br />

The requirements under the CDP are more intensive <strong>and</strong> punitive than for<br />

unemployed persons living in urban parts of Australia who operate in the urbanequivalent<br />

program, JobActive. 62 At least partially as a result of this, substantially<br />

more financial penalties have been applied under the CDP than under JobActive<br />

(despite JobActive having over 20 times more participants) <strong>and</strong> also under previous<br />

remote programs. 63 However,noncompliancewithCDPrulescanresultfroma<br />

range of factors, including low English literacy (e.g. participants not being able<br />

to communicate with program staff, who rarely speak Indigenous languages), <strong>and</strong><br />

cultural/family commitments. 64 For at least some participants, noncompliance may<br />

also result from poor health <strong>and</strong> wellbeing, which may not be properly assessed<br />

or for which participants may not be able to provide adequate supporting documentation,<br />

due to poor access to medical facilities in remote communities. 65<br />

Nevertheless, the high rate of financial penalties under the CDP has led to reductionsinincomeforsomeofAustralia’smostsociallydisadvantaged<strong>and</strong>poorest<br />

populations. 66<br />

The CDP seeks to address the perceived issue of welfare dependency by<br />

‘activating’ <strong>and</strong> upskilling individuals, thereby implying that inactivity <strong>and</strong> poor<br />

skills are the causes of unemployment. However, there are obvious silences in this<br />

framing of the issue. For instance, remote economies where the CDP operates<br />

are generally very weak, with relatively few job opportunities available. Thus, the<br />

dem<strong>and</strong> for jobs regularly outstrips supply, leading to entrenched high unemployment.<br />

However, this is not appropriately acknowledged in the design of the CDP.<br />

As Jordan <strong>and</strong> Altman argued, ‘if one acknowledges the major structural barriers to<br />

employment opportunity, it is difficult to accept that withholding welfare payments<br />

unless recipients display the “correct” behaviours (judged according to mainstream<br />

<strong>Australian</strong> norms) will be sufficient to lead to a job’. 67<br />

The CDP also does very little to address other barriers to employment, including<br />

the multifaceted circumstances of disadvantage experienced by many CDP<br />

participants, like poorer health, st<strong>and</strong>ards of living, <strong>and</strong> access to basic social<br />

services. Much of this intergenerational disadvantage is the result of settler violence<br />

<strong>and</strong> racist colonial policies. Thus, withholding payments for noncompliance with<br />

the CDP punishes individuals for circumstances that are, in many cases, caused by<br />

broader socio-political <strong>and</strong> historical issues.<br />

62 Jordan 2016.<br />

63 ANAO 2017; Fowkes 2016.<br />

64 SSCFPA 2017; Staines 2018.<br />

65 SSCFPA 2017.<br />

66 Kral 2016.<br />

67 Jordan <strong>and</strong> Altman 2016, 10.<br />

699

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