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Australian Politics and Policy - Senior, 2019a

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Immigration <strong>and</strong> multicultural policy<br />

Trade unions<br />

The business sector’s favourable stance towards high levels of immigration might<br />

be expected to be counterbalanced by scepticism from a trade union movement<br />

presumably focused on job protection for the current workforce. <strong>Australian</strong> trade<br />

unions have indeed been vocal critics of high levels of temporary immigration for<br />

its association with ‘exploitation <strong>and</strong> denying job opportunities to local workers’. 34<br />

However, the trade union movement has generally been supportive of Australia’s<br />

permanent immigration program. This was historically important in relation<br />

to Australia’s radical shift to mass immigration from the late 1940s. 35 More recently,<br />

the ACTU <strong>and</strong> the union United Voice have joined the <strong>Australian</strong> Industry Group<br />

business lobby in a statement declaring that ‘Australia’s permanent migration<br />

program is essential to <strong>Australian</strong> society <strong>and</strong> economy’ <strong>and</strong> that ‘we … do not<br />

supportanyreductiontothescheme’. 36<br />

Ethnic communities<br />

Australia’s immigration program has fostered the creation of ethnic-minority<br />

communities of first-generation members <strong>and</strong> descendants. These communities<br />

naturally have an interest in immigration policy, especially as it applies to rights of<br />

admission for other family members, <strong>and</strong> a particular stake in multicultural policy.<br />

They do not necessarily harbour a different range of views on other immigrationrelated<br />

issues; for example, according to Jupp <strong>and</strong> Pietsch, ‘[s]ome polling suggests<br />

that many “ethnic” <strong>Australian</strong>s were just as unsympathetic as the “Anglo” majority<br />

to asylum seekers who were perceived to be jumping the gun, especially when that<br />

affected family reunion for their own group’. 37<br />

Seventy years of large-scale immigration have not changed the basic structure<br />

of the <strong>Australian</strong> political system, particularly its domination by the two major<br />

party blocs (the Liberal–National Coalition <strong>and</strong> Labor). However, the political<br />

process, <strong>and</strong> especially the parties, have adjusted to the changed nature of the<br />

electorate. Parties now actively court ethnic-minority communities.<br />

Sometimes the policy preferences arising from ethnic-minority communities<br />

are articulated through ethnic community organisations, co-ordinated nationally<br />

through the Federation of Ethnic Communities Councils of Australia (FECCA).<br />

FECCA <strong>and</strong> its allies were claimed to have had a significant influence over the<br />

Hawke Labor government in securing a high proportion of immigration places<br />

for family-connection applicants. 38 If that outcome is a test of the influence of the<br />

‘ethnic lobby’, then its influence seems to have since waned.<br />

34 McManus 2018.<br />

35 Warhurst 1993.<br />

36 Migration Council of Australia 2018.<br />

37 Jupp <strong>and</strong> Pietsch 2018, 665.<br />

38 Betts 1991; Birrell <strong>and</strong> Betts 1988.<br />

637

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